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Showing posts with label prisons. Show all posts
Showing posts with label prisons. Show all posts

Prison Blog Post from Travis Bishop - G.I. War Resister

By Travis Bishop, Free Travis Bishop, Fort Hood war resister, Aug. 20, 2009

First off, hello to all those who still support me! Your support, kind words, and well-wishings have truly kept me going through this difficult time.

I want to assure everyone, well-wishers and nay-sayers, that I am still 100% confident that my decision was a smart one. Though I suffer a harsh personal loss, the gain for this movement is incredible. Already I have heard of others who have been influenced by mine and Victor’s decisions and actions, and it warms my heart.

Ultimately, the goal is to end these wars. And keeping that in mind, remember that my decisions are mine and mine alone. My hope is that others learn from mine and Victor’s sacrifices. They are small when compared to the ultimate gain.

To my supporters, Thank You and write me right now while I’m in Bell County even!

To those who think I was coerced, influenced or made to do this, please write me to. I would love to personally explain how I feel.

Yours,

Travis

You can write Travis at: Travis Bishop, Bell County Jail, 113 W. Central Ave., Belton, TX 76513

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Prisoner dies after he's shot by Taser

By Ryan Seals, News-Record.com, Aug. 20, 2009

GREENSBORO — An inmate died at Moses Cone Hospital late Tuesday after a scuffle with a detention officer at the downtown jail in Greensboro, according to the Guilford County Sheriff’s Office.

Ronald Eugene Cobbs, 38, of 1406 Hamlet Place, died after the struggle at 11:46 p.m. Tuesday with a guard in his cell.

The SBI is investigating, which is standard policy in a death that involves an officer.

A guard was trying to recover unidentified contraband from Cobbs’ cell when the inmate resisted and assaulted the officer, the sheriff’s office said.

The guard, who has not been named, initially tried to physically restrain Cobbs before using a Taser on him.

Cobbs was restrained and taken to see the on-duty nurse, a standard policy with use of force at the jail, the sheriff’s office said.

Cobbs became unconscious, and EMS took him to Moses Cone, where he was pronounced dead. His body has been taken to the N.C. Medical Examiner’s Office for an autopsy to determine a cause of death.

“This is a very sad event, and I hate it for the family and for the officers,” Sheriff BJ Barnes said.

“I want the public to know and have confidence that everything was done that should have been done, and the investigation will show exactly what happened.

“(The) initial investigation has not shown anything that alarms me or causes me to believe this was anything other than a tragic event.”

Barnes said several officers were involved. None sustained serious injury.

Because of the SBI investigation, Barnes said he could not provide further information.

Cobbs was being held at the jail awaiting trial on charges of kidnapping, robbery with a dangerous weapon and a probation violation. Cobbs’ family said he had been in jail for about a year.

Contact Ryan Seals at 373-7077 or ryan.seals@news-record.com

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Victory! - Family Detention Ends at Hutto

Grassroots Leadership, Aug. 17, 2009

We are celebrating these lines from New York Times August 6, 2009:
"[T]he government will stop sending families to the T. Don Hutto Residential Center, a former state prison near Austin, Texas, that drew an American Civil Liberties Union lawsuit and scathing news coverage for putting young children behind razor wire. ...

The decision to stop sending families there - and to set aside plans for three new family detention centers - is the Obama administration's clearest departure from its predecessor's immigration enforcement policies."
The past three years have seen thousands of people participate in dozens of Hutto vigils, two great documentary films on family detention, major media scrutiny, a landmark lawsuit settlement, 66,000 petition-signers, and the organizing of students, immigrant rights advocates, faith activists, and everyday people around the country to end family detention.

The Obama administration announcement is not just a victory for Grassroots Leadership's Campaign to End Immigrant Family Detention, but for an entire movement for justice that has come together to close Hutto and to end immigrant family detention.

Even with this victory, the fight for justice is not over. Hutto will remain open as a women's detention center, and some families will still be detained at another detention center in Pennsylvania. Please make an on-line donation to support continuing work of Grassroots Leadership at http://www.causes.com/grassrootsleadership.?m=898e4645 Also, please help us keep you informed about our work by signing up for our Action Team at www.grassrootsleadership.org.

Thank you for you support.
Bob Libal & Luissana Santibanez

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Troubled prison firm's deal for new psychiatric hospital raises questions

By EMILY RAMSHAW, The Dallas Morning News, July 11, 2009

AUSTIN – A private prison company's history of filthy conditions, sexual abuse, suicides and riots in some of its Texas lockups isn't stopping the state from paying it $7.5 million to run a new psychiatric hospital near Houston.

Lawmakers inserted an earmark into the state budget to fund the future Montgomery County facility starting in 2011. But they said they didn't know until this week that the county had selected the GEO Group to operate it, although GEO lobbyists were pushing for it as early as February.

The new facility came as a post-session shock to mental health advocates, who acknowledge the need for it. But they say they weren't informed about it and never would have signed off if they knew Florida-based GEO was operating it.

"Why would we want to use an entity that hasn't had a stellar reputation?" asked Monica Thyssen, children's mental health policy specialist with Advocacy Inc. "If the process had been more transparent, there probably would have been other state officials who would've said, 'I don't know if GEO is the best use of state dollars.' "

GEO officials, who run more than 50 facilities in the United States, including five mental health facilities in Florida, declined to comment, saying in an e-mail that they don't discuss "specific business development efforts and/or contracts."

But state lawmakers say the psychiatric facility, which by 2011 is expected to house more than 100 criminal offenders awaiting trials or competency findings, will solve a major backlog. The Montgomery County jail has hundreds of inmates awaiting mental health treatment. The nearest state forensic mental hospital is more than 100 miles away, and when a bed opens up, it takes at least two deputies to take an offender there.

"It's a problem we sorely need to address, instead of leaving people who need mental health care in prison," said Sen. Bob Deuell, R-Greenville, one of the Senate's budget writers.

But the budgeting process and the choice of contractor have raised some eyebrows.

Department of State Health Services officials, who oversee psychiatric care in Texas, say the Montgomery County facility was not something they requested funding for in the budget. It was added to the budget in conference committee.

Mental health advocates, who track psychiatric hospital legislation closely, say they never heard any public discussion about it.

And neither Deuell nor Sen. Tommy Williams, who represents Montgomery County, knew until a reporter's phone call that county officials had selected GEO subsidiary GEO Care to run the facility – though legislative documents indicate the company was pushing for it as early as February.

"I know [GEO] has had problems," said Williams, R-The Woodlands. "Certainly I would expect them to run it in accordance with our state guidelines. I'll insist on that."

GEO's track record in Texas has been rocky.

In the midst of the Texas Youth Commission's 2007 sexual abuse scandal, agency officials shuttered the company's Coke County Juvenile Justice Center, saying they had found atrocious conditions – including feces on the walls – at the facility. They also fired a GEO prison worker after learning he was a convicted sex offender.

Earlier that year, an inmate in isolation at GEO's Dickens County facility slashed his throat, leaving letters complaining of blood-coated blankets and pillows, and floors and walls covered in mold.

And in 2006, a woman committed suicide at a GEO jail in Val Verde County, after complaining that she had been raped by another inmate and sexually harassed by a guard.

As recently as this winter, inmates at GEO's Reeves County Detention Center rioted, starting fires and taking hostages, to demand better health care. And in April, a Texas appeals court upheld a $42.5 million verdict against the company for the 2001 death of an inmate who was four days from finishing his sentence at a Willacy County facility. The man was beaten to death by other inmates using padlocks stuffed in socks.

Montgomery County officials, who selected GEO to operate the psychiatric facility late last month, say that the company has a good track record with its other mental health hospitals and that they're not "overly concerned" with the problems that have been documented in a few of Texas' 17 GEO lockups.

A presentation that GEO prepared for Texas lawmakers in February boasts of improved clinical programming, shortened waiting lists, and the elimination of the use of restraints and seclusion in its Florida psychiatric facilities. Company executives say they won the support of wary mental health advocates in that state.

The GEO prison incidents "obviously shouldn't have happened," Montgomery County Commissioner Ed Chance said. "But when you're dealing with inmates, you're going to have problems. You're going to have some headlines."

After the 2007 TYC scandal, lawmakers on both sides of the aisle raised serious concerns with GEO. Sen. Juan "Chuy" Hinojosa, D-McAllen, said "a simple Internet search" should have made GEO a bad contractor choice for the state. And Rep. Jerry Madden, R-Plano, told lobbyists for the firm it was best if they didn't contribute to his campaign at that time.

But GEO has continued its full-court press in Texas. Within months, these lawmakers and 13 others had accepted campaign contributions from the company.

"Some of their facilities are pretty darn good, and some are not as good as the others," Madden said. "But that's the exact same problem we have with the state-run facilities."

GEO PROBLEMS IN TEXAS

2001: Inmates at a Willacy County lockup beat a man to death four days before his release date, using padlocks stuffed into socks.

2006: A female inmate commits suicide at a GEO jail in Val Verde County after alleging she was raped by another inmate and sexually harassed by a guard.

2007: An inmate in isolation at GEO's Dickens County facility commits suicide, leaving letters complaining of blood-coated blankets and pillows.

2007: The Texas Youth Commission shutters GEO's Coke County Juvenile Justice Center after finding horrific conditions and learning that the company hired a convicted sex offender as a guard.

2009: Inmates at GEO's Reeves County Detention Center riot, starting fires and taking hostages, to demand better health care.

Future Montgomery County Forensic Mental Hospital

Price tag: $35 million

Location: On a 61-acre plot in Conroe, next to 1,100-inmate detention center

Capacity: 110 beds, with potential to add 130

Completion date: 2011

Current waiting list: For mental health care at the Montgomery County Jail, about 200 inmates

eramshaw@dallasnews.com

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Video: Cynthia McKinney - Prisoner 88794 call Day 2 from Prison



Free Gaza Movement

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Interview from a kidnapped passenger, Adie Mormech - Prison Cell, Givon Jail, Ramle, Israel

By Free Gaza Team, July 4, 2009

Adie Mormech, one of over 21 human rights workers and crew taken prisoner on Tuesday 30th June when their boat was forcibly boarded by the Israeli navy, has spoken by mobile phone from his prison cell at Givon jail, Ramle, near Tel Aviv.

Amongst the other prisoners from the Free Gaza Movement boat, Spirit of Humanity, are Nobel Peace prize winner, Mairead Maguire, and former US Congresswoman, Cythnia McKinney. A message from McKinney on 2nd July condemned Israel for its "illegal" action in "dismantl[ing] our navigation equipment" and confiscating both the ship and its cargo of medical aid, childrens' toys and olive trees.

McKinney went on to say that "State Department and White House officials have not effected our release or taken a strong public stance to condemn the illegal actions of the Israeli Navy of enforcing a blockade of humanitarian assistance to the Palestinians of Gaza, a blockade that has been condemned by President Obama."

The Free Gaza campaign succeeded in entering Gaza by sea on several occasions in 2008, carrying humanitarian aid, medical personnel, journalists and human rights workers. However, later attempts have been met with aggression by the Israeli navy, with one boat, the Dignity, having to seek refuge and repairs in Lebanon after being rammed three times by an Israeli warship.

In a brief interview with Andy Bowman of Manchester's Mule newspaper (http//www.themule.info), Mr Mormech gave the following account:

How are you being treated?

It's bad, but the conditions are OK for me, I've not been beaten up, they're a bit nasty sometimes and when they boarded the boat we had our faces slammed against the floor. It was bad for the older women like Mairead.

The four other UK nationals are in the cell with me. There's 14 of us in the 7 by 7 meter cell which includes the toilet and shower, so very crowded. It's very hot and there's only a tiny window. We get awakened at 6 in the morning for an inspection and have to stand to attention, and then they repeat that at 9 am, and we are only allowed out of the cells for a few hours each day. They keep giving us forms to sign but they are in Hebrew so we don't. Although I'm able to cope here, other people are less comfortable than me in the situation. If we're here for a long time - like some of the other people in here have been - then it will be tough.

Have you had access to a lawyer yet?

We have, and at the moment we're discussing what to do about our deportation. They've taken our personal items - laptops, cameras, phones and many other valuables, and we want to find out where these are. They obviously want to deport us as quickly as possible, but some of us are thinking about fighting the deportation. Firstly on the basis that if we get deported we won't be allowed into the occupied West Bank or Israel for another 10 years, but also, because we didn't intend to come here to Israel - we intended to go to Gaza, and went directly from international waters into Palestinian waters. There is nothing legal about what Israel has done to us grabbing us like this. We're considering fighting the deportation on the grounds that we shouldn't accept and legitimize this barbaric military blockade of Gaza.

If you challenge the deportation could you remain in prison for a while longer?

Yes we could - there's some people that need to get home, but some will challenge. And for those it will be a few more weeks in prison at least, we expect.

And you?

I'm veering towards challenging it on the basis that it's a scar on my name to accept that I shouldn't have been here, but in fact I have every right to go to Gaza just as everyone else does. That's the whole point of these voyages and that's the principle we want to stick to.

Have they told you what has happened to the cargo of the boat?

No, we don't know what they're doing with it. We've been told a lot of lies so far about where we're going and what's happening to us, so we just don't know. They're already prepared to deprive the people of Gaza of a lot of aid anyway.

What is your message to people back in the UK?

This is not about us here in the cells, it's about the denial of human rights to the people of Palestine, and in particular the inhumane blockade of Gaza. People must not forget about what is happening to Gaza. At the moment they are even being denied food and medical supplies. After the carnage of the 1500 people killed in January, we won't forget and we'll keep on going and keep fighting for the human rights of the people of Palestine.

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Leonard Peltier: Emergency health crisis needs response

The following alert was released on July 19 by the Leonard Peltier Defense Offense Committee.

Kari Ann Cowan, Peltier's niece, reported on July 19 from the prison at Lewisburg that Leonard may have suffered a heart attack. She stated, "He had a hard time breathing. He was in his cell and had an ache in his chest. He was kinda scared he was having a heart attack. He raised his hands, breathed slowly and finally felt better."

We need to call the prison and ask them to get Leonard to the hospital in Rochester (MN) as soon as possible for a check up.

Be polite and courteous and express your concern for his health and welfare. We gotta step up. Make reference to Leonard Peltier #89637-132. Call Warden Scott Dodrill at (570) 523-1251.

Fax numbers: (570) 522-7745 and (570) 522-7519. E-mail address: LEW/EXECASSISTANT@BOP.GOV

In the Spirit of Crazy Horse, Wanbli, Co-Support Group Coordinator and LP-DOC Spokesperson Time to set him free. Because it is the RIGHT thing to do. Go to www.whoisleonardpeltier.info.

** Leonard Peltier has expressed thanks for all of those who have already called and asks for the calls to continue to get him to the Prison Hospital in Rochester and the medical treatment he needs.

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Tales from Inside the U.S. Gitmo

by Daniel McGowan, Huffington Post, June 8, 2009

Daniel McGowan is an environmental and social justice activist from NYC charged in federal court on counts of arson and conspiracy and given the "terrorism enhancement" for his involvement in two environmentally motivated actions in Oregon in 2001. He is currently serving a 7 year sentence in the Communication Management Unit at USP Marion in Illinois with very limited access to seeing and talking to friends and family. The Department of Justice and FBI have labeled Daniel and his co-defendants among the "number 1 domestic terrorism threat."

As of May 2009, I have been at USP Marion's "Communication Management Unit," or CMU, for roughly nine months and now is a good time to address the misconceptions (and the silence) regarding this unit. I want to offer a snapshot of my day-to-day life here as well as some analysis of what the existence of CMUs in the federal prison system implies. It is my hope that this article will partially fill the void of information that exists concerning the CMU, will help dispel rumors, and will inspire you to support those of us on the inside fighting the existence of these isolation units -- in the courts and in the realm of public opinion.

It is best to start from the beginning -- or at least where my story and the CMU meet. My transfer here is no different from that of many of the men here who were living at Federal Correctional Institutions (normal prisons) prior to the genesis of the CMUs. On May 12, 2008, on my way back from a decent lunch, I was told to report to "R&D" (receiving and discharge). I was given two boxes and half an hour to pack up my meager possessions. After complying I was placed in the SHU (secure housing unit or "hole") and put on a bus the next day. There was no hearing and no information given to me or my attorneys -- only after a day was I told I was on my way to Marion, Illinois' CMU.

Hearing the term "CMU" made my knees buckle as it drummed up some memory I had of the infamous "control units" at Marion (closed in 1995 and replaced by Florence ADX: the lone Federal "Supermax" prison). Then it hit me. The lawyers, in challenging the application of the terrorist enhancement in my case, made the prescient argument that if I receive the enhancement, the Bureau of Prisons (BoP) would use that to place me in the CMU at FCI Terre Haute, Indiana (at the time just 5 months old). In fact, on the way to FCI Sandstone in August 2007, I not only saw the CMU but met one of its residents while in transit. Let me back up and offer a brief history of the Communication Management Units.

The CMU I reside in, at USP Marion, received its first prisoner in May 2008 and when I arrived, held about 17 men, the majority of whom were Muslim. Currently, the unit has 25, with a capacity of 52 cells. In April 2009, we received seven new people, all of whom were from the CMU at FCI Terre Haute. The unit is overwhelmingly Muslim with 18 men identifying as such. Most, but not all of the prison, have so-called terrorism cases. According to a BoP spokesperson, the unit "will not be limited to inmates convicted of terrorism-related cases through all of the prisoners fit that description." Others have prison disciplinary violation or allegations related to communication and the misuse of telephones etc. Here, almost everyone has a terrorism related case -- whether it is like my case (destruction of property characterized as "domestic terrorism") or conspiracy and "providing material aid" cases.

Before the Marion CMU opened, there was the original CMU, opened in December 2006 at the former death row at FCI Terre Haute. According to early articles, the unit was intended for "second tier terrorism inmates, most of them Arab Muslims and a less restrictive version of the Supermax in Florence, Colorado."

Additionally, BoP Director Harley Lappin, in a July 2008 hearing on the 2009 BoP budget request, said of the CMUs, "A lot of the more serious offenders, terrorists, were housed at ADX Florence. So, we are ramping up two communications management units that are less restrictive but will ensure that all mail and phone calls of the offenders are monitored on a daily basis."

Terre Haute's CMU has 36 men (27 of whom are Muslim) and is roughly comparable to Marion's CMU. The rest of this place focuses on the latter, in which I have resided and of which I have seen firsthand.

You may be curious about just what a CMU actually is. From my correspondence, I can tell that many correspondents do not know much about what goes on here. I hope this can clear up any misperceptions. According to the BoP,
The CMU is [sic] established to house inmates who, due to their current offense of conviction, offense conduct or other verified information, require increased monitoring of communication between inmates and persons in the community in order to protect the safety, security, and orderly operations of Bureau facilities and protect the public...The CMU is a self-contained general population housing unit.
There are, of course, alternate views to the above definition including the belief that the CMUs are Muslim units, a political prisoner unit (similar to the HSU operated by the BoP in the 80's, and a punishment unit.

The CMUs have an extremely high Muslim population; here at Marion, it is 65-75%. An overrepresentation of any one demographic in a prison raises constitutional issues of equal protection as well as safety issues. Nowhere in the BoP will you find any group represented in such extreme disproportion. To counter these claims, the BoP brought in a small number of non-Muslims to be used as proof that the units are not strictly Muslim (an interesting note is that some of the Muslim men here have cases unrelated to terrorism). Does the inclusion of six people that are non-Muslim really negate the claim of segregation though? What are the criteria for determining who comes to the CMU? The BoP claims there are 211 international terrorists (and 1000 domestic terrorists) in their system. Yet, the CMUs have no more than 60 men at the present time. Where are the rest of these people? How does the BOP determine who of those 1200 are sent to a CMU and who to normal prisons? These are questions that need to be asked -- in court and in the media.

Many of the men here (both Muslim and non) are considered political prisoners in their respective movements and have been engaged in social justice, religious organizations, charities and humanitarian efforts. Another conception of the CMU is that it is a location designed to isolate us from our movements and to act as a deterrent for others from those movements (as in "step outside the line and you too will end up there"). The intended effect of long-term housing of this kind is a profound sense of dislocation and alienation. With your mail, email, phones, and visits monitored and no human touch allowed at the visits, it is difficult to feel a connection to "the streets." There is historical evidence of the BoP utilizing political prisons -- despite the fact that the Department of Justice refuses to acknowledge the concept of political prisoners in US prisons, choosing to call us "criminal" instead.

The Lexington High Security Unit (HSU) was one such example. Having opened its 16-bed facilities in 1988 and housing a number of female political prisoners, the HSU functioned as an isolation unit -- underground, bathed in fluorescence, and limited interaction with staff. In the opinion of Dr. Richard Korn, speaking on behalf of the American Civil Liberties Union, the unit's goal was "...to reduce prisoners to a state of submission essential for their ideological conversion. That failing, the next objective is to reduce them as efficient, self-directing antagonists. That failing, the only alternative is to destroy them by making them destroy themselves."

After an arduous campaign by human rights advocates and supporters, the BoP capitulated, stating it would close its facility (when it did not, it was sued). The judge ruled that the plaintiffs were illegally designated based on their past political affiliations, statements and political beliefs. The unit was closed and the women were transferred to other prisons.

The correlations between the HSU and CMU are many and seem to have some of the same goals as well as methods used to designate us here. Knowing they are dealing with people committed to ideals and the movements they are a part of, we were placed here in order to weaken those connections and harm our relationships. An example is the horrendous strain that the CMU puts on our familial relations -- especially our marriages. It was certainly considered by the architects of the CMU that preventing visits that allow human touch for long-term prisoners would have a disastrous impact on our relationships and would lead to weaker inmates.

Finally, the CMU can be viewed as "the stick" -- a punitive unit for those who don't play ball or who continue to express political beliefs anathema to the BoP or the US government. Although I am not aware of the BoP's criteria for sending people here (due to their refusal to release specific CMU information), it is curious who is and who is not here. Out of roughly 18 codefendants in my criminal case, I am the only one at a CMU (the remainder of them are at low and medium security prisons). The same goes for a member of the SHAC7 campaign, Andrew Stepanian, one of 6 defendants in his case who was sent here for the last 6 months of his sentence. Other men here have codefendants at the Terre Haute CMU while others have codefendants at normal federal prisons. Despite numerous Freedom of Information Requests, the BoP refuses to grant the documents that specify the rules governing transfer to the CMU. Remember, hardly any of the men here have received any disciplinary violations and some have been in general population over 15 years! How can someone be okay in general population for that long and then one day be seen as a communication threat?

So, I have hypothesized about the goals of the CMU. Let me discuss the many problems and injustices associated with the existence of the CMUs.

Due process

More appropriately, a lack thereof. A term I never thought much about before my imprisonment, due process is:
...the conduct of legal proceedings according to established rules and principles for the protection and enforcement of private rights, including notice and the right to hearing before a tribunal [my emphasis] with the power to decide the case.
I was moved from FCI Sandstone, against my will and at a moment's notice, with no hearing and thus no chance to contest the reason for my transfer. A FOIA request recently received states I was redesignated May 6th, my transfer was signed the next day and I was moved on May 13th with the reason given as "program participation". Since I got here, I have not had a hearing to contest the claims made in the "Notice to Inmate of Transfer to CMU, " some of which were woefully inaccurate. Instead, I was told I can utilize the administrative remedy process (which I have done to no avail) and request a transfer after 18 months of "clear conduct".

The irony is that all prisoners who violate prison rules are subject to a series of disciplinary hearings in which they could offer their defense. For legal units such as Florence ADX (Supermax) or the control unit program, there exists a codified set of rules and hearings for transfer to these locations. The BoP has deliberately ignored this process and has instead transferred us to this special, brand-new CMU without due process. My notice of transfer was given to me 12 days after I arrived!

Similar to the callous disregard for due process (and the US Constitution), there is no "step down" process for the CMU. Unlike the ones that exist at Florence ADX, control units or even the gang units, the CMU has no stages, no requisite amount of time we are to spend here before being sent back to a normal prison.

Because these preceding programs are specifically for prison misbehavior, there is a logical and orderly way to finish the program and eventually transfer. For us, the BoP has set up a paradox -- if we are here for our offense conduct, which we cannot ever change, how can we reasonably leave the unit? In its "Admissions and Orientation" guide for Marion's CMU, here is what they say:
Every new commitment to the CMU will be evaluated by his unit team regarding his suitability for incarceration in this institution. If, for some reason, the inmate is deemed not acceptable for confinement in this unit, he will be processed as expeditiously as possible...
[I am still roughly 10 months from my 18-month period in which I must wait before requesting a transfer. Considering the fact that all my remedies have been denied, I am not hopeful about this.]

CMU as Secret

In addition to the due process and transfer issues, there is the secretive and illegal manner that the CMU was created (Note: for historical perspectives, it needs to be stated that the CMU was established roughly halfway through the second term of George W. Bush and his Attorney General Alberto Gonzales.)

In April 2006, the BoP proposed a "Limited Communication for Terrorist Inmates" policy, which suggested new restrictions for "terrorists" and "terrorism related inmates" such as:

1) One 6-page letter per week.

2) One 15-minute phone call a month.

3) One 1-hour visit a month.

A coalition of civil rights organizations signed a letter of protest criticizing the proposed rules and raising numerous constitutional, practical and ethical objectives. The outcry appears to have caused the BoP to reconsider it and just 6 months later, open the CMU at FCI Terre Haute quietly. Since the BoP never sought public comment on the new CMU, it certainly appears to be a violation of the Administrative Procedural Act (APA), an argument a federal judge in Miami raised in response to a prisoner's legal challenge to transfer to the CMU.

The unit is functionally an open secret. While the BoP circumvented the standard public comment (and feedback process), it has sought to get around this by describing the CMU as a "self-contained general population unit," implying that the unit is legally and penally no different than a normal unit at an FCI. There is no mention of the CMU on the BoP's website (ww.bop.gov) or USP Marion's subpage on the same site. You will not find extensive Congressional hearings on the subject -- other than a July 2008 subcommittee hearing in which it appears that the BoP director was not fully forthcoming on the CMU36. Letters here are stamped "USP Marion," not CMU, and the unit is called "I Unit" by staff. (An interesting anecdote: while on transit in Winter 2009, I met men from the FCI here and asked them what they knew about I Unit. Without hesitation, they said, "That's where the terrorists are." They informed me this is what BoP Staff routinely told them.)

Media queries are met with silence or vague information. Requests by the media to interview me by coming to Marion have been denied -- due to it "being detrimental to the safety, security and good order of the institution." There still is no Program Statement on the CMU -- a legal requirement, outlining the specific rules of the CMU and its designation criteria.

Because of this, and the general refusal of the BoP to hand over relevant documents through FOIA, it is impossible to determine the specific reasons why one is sent here -- and thus, how to contest this process. In effect, the CMU was created on the fly, with no eye toward legality; they are free to operate it in whatever manner they choose.

Communication Management (The Promotion of Isolation and Alienation)

The most painful aspect of this unit, to me, is how the CMU restricts my contact with the world beyond these walls. It is difficult for those who have not known prison to understand what a lifeline contact with our family and friends is to us. It is our link to the world -- and our future (for those of us who are fortunate enough to have release dates). Prison authorities and architects are well aware that those with strong family ties and in good communication with their loved ones are well behaved and have significantly lower rates of recidivism. The BoP, in theory, recognizes this by claiming they try to situate us within 500 miles of our homes. Mostly, this is a cruel farce for many prisoners -- I have not been within 1000 miles of my family in 2 years.

The most Orwellian aspects of the CMU are in how they manage our communications:

A) Telephones- at my previous prison, I was able to use the phones for 300 minutes a month -- days, nights, weekends and holidays -- basically at any point I was not in my housing unit (6am-10pm). Here, we receive one 15-minute phone call a week. The call can only take place between 8am and 2:30pm, never on weekends or holidays and must be scheduled one and a half weeks in advance (we can choose a back-up number to call but if neither picks up, we don't get a call). The call is live-monitored and recorded. Not only do we receive one fifth of the minutes granted to other federal prisoners but the call is also very trying for our families -- all of whom have day jobs and many of whom have children in school. The CMU requires calls be made in English only -- a difficult demand considering over half of the men here speak English as a second language (this restriction is not present at other federal prisons).

B) Visits- At FCI Sandstone, I received up to eight visiting days a month (56 hours) -- contact visits in which I could embrace my wife, play cards with my nieces and share vending machine food with my visitors. These visits were my lifeline. I got about twelve of them in eight months and it aided in my adjustment to prison.

The CMU restricts our visits to one four-hour non-contract visit a month. One short visit through two inches of plate glass with cameras hanging overhead and my visitors stuffed in a four-and-a-half by three-and-a-half-foot stuffy booth -- a tight squeeze for two. The visits can only take place on weekdays from 8am-2pm -- no more Christmas or Thanksgiving visits -- and worse, no physical contact (Consider what it would be like to have no contact with your loved ones. What if you couldn't hug or kiss your lover, partner, wife, husband? What would that do to you?) I find myself riddled with guilt when I ask friends to spend $500 to fly across the country, drive three hours (and repeat) for a four-hour non-contact visit. I'm lucky though, having people who will do this. Many of the men here can't afford it or don't want to subject their children to this reality.

C) Mail- We can only send out mail once a day and we cannot visit the mail room to send out packages. We are one-hundred-percent reliant on the one staff person who deals with our mail to do so and sending a box home is a laborious procedure. We must leave our envelopes unsealed so that staff can read, copy, scan and send to whatever other agency studies our correspondence. A letter to NYC takes roughly seven to nine days (which should take five). Letters sent abroad, especially those not written in English, could take a month or more -- a common complaint of some of my fellow prisoners.

Staff here has an interesting reading of the rules governing legal mail leading to the charge that they open our legal mail (this is the subject of an administrative remedy I filed with the BoP Central Office in Washington DC). The rule states that the lawyer's name must be clearly identified and that the envelope must say "Special Mail- Open only in the presence of inmates" and yet staff has opened my legal mail that said "Law Offices of Jane Doe" stating that it should have said, "Jane Doe, Attorney at Law"! The staff looks for any reason to disqualify our legal mail as protected and gather intelligence this way. In doing so, they violate the sanctity of the attorney-client confidentiality principle.

Most of my violations have been petty -- a package has more than twenty pieces of paper or a friend kindly enclosed stamps. A few instances though amount to censorship and a limiting of political expression and dialogue. See Appendix B for a detailed discussion of these instances.

D) Media Contact- Although requests have been made to interview people in the CMU, none have been granted to date. This is a violation of the spirit of the BoP's own media policy. There is an imperative on the Bureau's part to control and ultimately suppress information on the CMU from making it to a mass audience.

Daily Life at the CMU

Neither one of the two CMUs were built for long-term habitation. The Marion CMU was the site of the Secure Housing Unit (SHU), the USP that closed here in 2005. Terre Haute's CMU is in "D-wing" -- the site of the former federal death row.

The CMU was seemingly converted to its current use with the addition of televisions, steel tables, and new wiring and yet it is not suitable for long-term use due to its "open cell" design (i.e. with bars). With 25 prisoners, our movements are restricted to two housing ranges (hallways about 100 by 12 feet); a recreation range where we also eat (consisting of seven cells with a computer, typewriter, barber shop, religious library, social library, art room and recreational equipment); and a small rec yard (all concrete, a lap equals one-eighteenth of a mile, four cages with two basketball hoops, one handball court, a weather awning with tables and some sit-up benches). We are lucky to be visited daily by a resident bird population of doves and blackbirds, and overhead, the occasional hawk or falcon (ironically, as I write this, I overhear warnings from staff that if we continue to feed the birds, we will receive violations). The appearance of the yard with its cages, concrete, and excessive barbed wire has earned it nickname "Little Guantanamo" (of course a punitive unit with seventy-five percent Muslims also contributes to the name as well).

The conditions here are not dire -- in fact, the horror stories I have heard over the last two years have convinced me it is far worse at many prisons and yet, I believe it is important to be descriptive and accurate -- to dispel fears (about violence, for instance) but also to demonstrate just how different life is for us at the CMU.

There are many things we lack here that other prisons in the federal system have to offer:

1- A residential drug/alcohol program- despite at least one person here having completion of it ordered by the court.

2- Enough jobs for the prisoners here- There is not nearly enough jobs for all the men here and most are extremely low paying.

3- UNICOR- This is Federal Prison Industries which has shops at many federal prisons (including this one outside the CMU). These jobs pay much more, allow men to pay their court fees, restitution and child support and, as the BoP brags, teaches people job skills.

4- Adequate educational opportunities- Until recently, we did not have GED or vocational programs. Due to inmate pressure and persistence, we now have both of those as well as a few prisoner-taught classes but no college courses at all.

5- Access to staff on a daily basis- At other federal prisons, you are able to approach staff members at lunch every day, including the Warden. Here, we get (at most) two quick walk-throughs a week, usually taking place early in the morning. You are often left waiting days to resolve a simple question.

6- Law library access- We have a very small law library here with only twenty-five percent of the books required by law. We can only request books twice weekly and those are only delivered if the other nine hundred prisoners at the adjacent Medium are not using them. We lack Federal Court and Supreme Court reports as well as books on Immigration Law (fifty percent or more of the men here face deportation). This lack of access makes for an arduous and ineffective research path.

7- Computers- We have four computers for our email system (two for reading, one for printing and one that we were told would be for legal but it still isn't working). Unlike my previous prison, where we had forty computers with a robust computer-class program, or like other prisons that teach a vocational computer course, we have no such thing.

8- Access to general population- Being in an isolation unit makes for a situation in which we cannot have organized sports leagues and tournaments due to not having enough people at all. This may not seem crucial but sports are a very useful diversion from the stress of prison life and separation.

After reading the preceding sections, perhaps like me you are wondering what really is the purpose of the CMU. In short, the SMU is Florence ADX-LITE for those men whose security points are low and present no real problems to staff. From my interactions with the men here, I can say with certainty, that people here are remarkably well-behaved and calm -- many without any disciplinary violations. If these men, like myself, don't get in trouble, and have been in the system for some time, why are we here? Consider my case.

My short time in prison prior to coming to the CMU consisted of two months at MDC Brooklyn and eight months at FCI Sandstone. I had never gotten in trouble and spent my days as a clerk in psychology, working toward a Master's degree, reading, writing and exercising. My goal was to get closer to home and my loved ones. In April 2008, I filed a "hardship transfer" request due to my mother's illness and her inability to travel to Minnesota to visit me. I had my team meeting, and my security points were lowered. Weeks later, I was moved to the CMU.

The irony is that I was moved to the CMU to have my communication managed, but what changed in that one year to justify this move? If I was a danger, then why did the BoP house me in a low-security prison? The same applies to many of the men here-- some have been in general population for twenty years and then suddenly a need to manage their communication is conjured up. During my pre-CMU time, I had used 3500 phone minutes and sent hundreds of letters. If there was a problem with my communication, shouldn't the BoP have raised this with me? My notice stating their rationale for placing me here attributed it to me "being a member and leader in the ELF and ALF" and "communicating in code." But if this is true, then shouldn't I have been sent to the CMU as soon as I self-reported to prison in July 2007?

The CMUs were crafted and opened under the Bush administration as some misguided attempt to be tough on the "war on terror." This unit contains many prisoners from cases prosecuted during the hyper-paranoid and over-the-top period after 9/11 and the passage of the USA Patriot Act.44 The number of prosecutions categorized as terrorism-related more than doubled to reach 1,200 in 2002. It seemed that every other week, there was some plot uncovered by overzealous FBI agents -- in Lackawanna, NY, Miami, FL, Portland, OR, and Virginia and elsewhere (never mind the illegal wiretaps and unscrupulous people used in these cases). These cases may not be headlines anymore but these men did not go away -- they were sent to prison and, when it was politically advantageous for Bush, transferred to the CMUs. The non-Muslim populations of these units (although definitely picked judiciously) were sent there to dispel charges that the CMUs were exclusively Muslim units.

The codified rationale for all prisoners being transferred here are "contact with persons in community require heightened control and reviews" and "your transfer to this facility for greater communication management is necessary to the safe, secure, and orderly function of Bureau institutions..." Should an increase in monitoring of communication mean a decrease in privileges? If the goal is to manage our contact with the outside world, shouldn't the BoP hire enough staff so that we can maintain the same rights and privileges as other prisoners (since the party line is that we are not here for punishment)? The reality is the conditions, segregation, lack of due process and such are punishment regardless of whether the BoP admits it or not.

Forward!

Where to from here, then? Does the new President and his Attorney General take issue with segregation? Will Obama view the CMU, as he did with Guantanamo Bay, as a horrible legacy of his predecessor and close it? Many people are hopeful for an outcome like that. On April 7th, 2009, Mr. Obama, while in Turkey, said, "The United States will not make war on Islam," and that he wanted to "extend the hand of friendship to the Muslim world." While that sounds wonderful, what does that look like in concrete terms? Will he actualize that opinion by closing the CMU? Or will he marry the policy of Bush and condone a secret illegal set of political units for Muslims and activists? What of the men here? Will he transfer us back to normal prisons and review the outrageous prosecutions of many of the CMU detainees? If it can be done with (former) Senator Ted Steven's case, it can be done here.

While lawsuits have been filed in both Illinois and Indiana federal courts, what is needed urgently is for these units to be dragged out into the open. I am asking for your help and advocacy in dealing with this injustice and the mindset that allows a CMU to exist. Please pursue the resource section at the end of this article and consider doing something. I apologize for the length of this piece -- it was suggested to me (by people way smarter than myself) that it would be best to start from the beginning and offer as many details as possible. I hope I gave you a clearer idea of what's going on here. Thank you for all your support and love -- your letters are a bright candle in a sea of darkness.

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June 26: The 5th Annual NYC Trans Day of Action for Social and Economic Justice

On June 26, 2009, Trans and Gender Non Conforming People of Color and allies will take to the streets of NYC once again and demand justice to let the world know, that on the 40th anniversary of Stonewall, the rebellion is not over and we will continue fighting for justice, raising our voices until we are heard. We call on all activist and organizers for justice, both local and organizations around the country and world to endorse this call to action and to build contingents to march in solidarity together. Below and attached are the points of unity which hold together the purpose of this march.

To endorse TDOA 2009, send an email to endorsetdoa@alp.org

For more info contact - info4tdoa@alp.org or Mya at 718-596-0342 x 23.

SAVE THE DATE – Trans Day of Action – June 26, 2009 – Starting Rally 3PM

The 5th Annual NYC Trans Day of Action for Social and Economic Justice

POINTS OF UNITY

Initiated by TransJustice of the Audre Lorde Project, a Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Two-Spirit, Trans and Gender Non-Conforming People of Color Center for Community Organizing.

We call on Trans and Gender Non-Conforming (TGNC) communities and our allies from many movements to join us for the 5th Annual Trans Day of Action (TDOA) for Social and Economic Justice. As TGNC People of Color (POC) we recognize the importance of working together alongside other movements to build the world we want to see. Much has changed since last year’s TDOA, the election of a new US President has brought hope to many of our communities, however we still live in a time when people of color, immigrants, youth, elders, rural communities, people living with disabilities and poor people are disproportionately underserved, face higher levels of discrimination, heightened surveillance and experience increased violence at the hands of the state. In fact, due to the growing financial crisis conditions have worsened. As a result, it is even more critical that we unite and work together towards ending the transphobia, racism, classism, sexism, ageism, ableism, homophobia and xenophobia within our movements for justice. We call for an end to the continued single issue platform of gay marriage over TGNC justice by our movements. Let’s come together to let the world know that TGNC justice will not be undermined and together we will not be silenced! These are the points of unity, which hold together the purpose of this march:

• We demand that all people receiving public assistance (welfare) including TGNC People of Color, be treated with respect and dignity. We are in solidarity with all people living on public assistance. TGNC POC face transphobic harassment and discrimination when applying for and seeking to access public assistance/welfare. For over three years TGNC communities in NYC have called on the Human Resources Administration (HRA), the NYC agency responsible for public assistance, to address these systemic problems. After initially ignoring requests for a meeting, due to community pressure raised by TDOA, last year HRA agreed to meet. As a result, this past year TransJustice and a committee of organizations and community members including the Sylvia Rivera Law Project, Housing Works, Queers for Economic Justice, and others have worked with HRA to develop a new HRA procedure to prevent transphobic discrimination including TGNC cultural competency training. To date we are currently awaiting HRA’s final approval of the procedure and anticipate a response by Trans Day of Action.

• We demand an end to the profiling, discrimination, harassment, brutality and murders that occur at the hands of the Police. Communities of color continue to face rampant police harassment and brutality. Last month two lesbians of color were brutally beaten by police officers in front of a club in Brooklyn, NY. In 2006 a Transgender woman of color was assaulted and harassed by an employee at a McDonald’s, when the police arrived they arrested and abused her. We are in solidarity with all people impacted by police violence including supporters of Iman Morales, the family of Sean Bell and the Jersey 4. Like other oppressed communities, TGNC people are targeted, profiled and brutalized by the police daily. We demand an end to the brutality and harassment and call for Justice for all people impacted by police violence. We call for an independent prosecutor for all cases of police violence (www.peoplesjustice.org). To improve TGNC people’s safety in interactions with the police we demand that Commissioner Ray Kelly implement changes in NYPD policies and adopt the “Proposed Policy for the Treatment of Transgender People in NYPD Custody” and the associated changes to the NYPD patrol guide, submitted to the NYPD in April 2009. (www.ipetitions.com/petition/NYPDTransPolicy/)

• We demand an end to the violence and harassment faced by women and LGBTSTGNC communities in the NYC public transportation system (MTA). Women and LGBTSTGNC communities face rampant violence and harassment in the NYC public transportation system. In 2005, a woman was sexually assaulted in a subway station in full view of a train conductor and a station agent. In 2006, a transgender woman was harassed by an MTA worker using anti-transgender slurs - bystanders joined in the harassment. We call on the MTA to be accountable and work proactively to end the violence and harassment that occurs in their transit system and to comply with Local Law 3 which prohibits gender identity/expression discrimination. (nyersforsafetransit.wordpress.com & newyorklawschool.typepad.com/leonardlink/2008/02/brooklyn-court.html)

• We demand the full legalization of all immigrants. In the last year, violence towards immigrants has increased. We oppose all forms of enforcement, which target people trying to survive a deepening global economic crisis, and are in solidarity with migrant rights organizations around the world. We oppose any immigration reform proposal that includes a registration process, more militarization at the border and further criminalization of undocumented people. TGNC people deserve the right to access competent and respectful immigration services. We demand that the consulates of all countries respect and honor our identities and issue passports and other documentation that accurately reflects who we are.

• We are in solidarity with all prisoners, especially the many TGNC people behind the walls who are often invisible to our movements. We call attention to the under-reported accounts of severe violence and rape that our community faces at the hands of correction officers and other prisoners. We demand an end to the torture and discrimination TGNC prisoners face. We demand that all TGNC prisoners receive competent and respectful healthcare. We oppose the continued growth of the prison industrial complex that targets our communities, yet we recognize that TGNC people need access to services and facilities that lessen our vulnerability to violence within the present jails and prisons. We call attention to the criminal injustice system that increasingly puts POC, immigrants, TGNC and poor people behind bars - further criminalizing our communities and our lives.

• We demand that TGNC people have access to respectful and safe living spaces. Many TGNC people face discrimination from landlords and housing administrators displacing us from our homes due to gender identity or expression. A disproportionate number of TGNC people have been or are currently homeless and face discrimination when trying to access shelters and other assisted living programs. NYC law and the Department of Homeless Services (DHS) state that people will be placed in shelters according to gender identity and that discrimination based on gender identity will not be tolerated. We demand that all DHS shelter administrators continue to provide adequate Trans sensitivity trainings for all personnel and enforce clear non-discrimination policies that respect all homeless people.

• We demand that TGNC people have equal access to employment and education opportunities. We are outraged by increasing unemployment facing all communities, particularly TGNC POC. TGNC people continue to face blatant discrimination and harassment from employers due to systemic transphobia. Few TGNC people have access to opportunities for learning in a safe school environment. We demand that employers and educational institutions implement non-discrimination policies and comply with Local Law 3.

• We demand that all people, including TGNC people, have access to essential health and human services. We are in a period of ongoing budget cuts to critical services such as HIV/AIDS, youth, LGBT, etc. We call on Governor Paterson and Mayor Bloomberg to stop the budget cuts to essential health and human services and restore funding. The Piers have been a safe space for our community, particularly LGBTSTGNC youth of color for years. In solidarity with FIERCE, we demand the establishment of a 24hour LGBT youth center at the Piers. (www.fiercenyc.org)

• We demand that children and youth under jurisdiction of the Administration of Children Services (ACS) and Private Foster Care Agencies, have the right to freedom of gender expression/identity. In 2002 it was established that NYC’s foster care system cannot discriminate against TGNC children and youth nor force them to only wear clothing associated with birth gender. ACS and private foster care agencies must be accountable for the health of people under their care including TGNC people. After organized community pressure ACS established an anti-discrimination policy for TGNC people. We demand that ACS fully implement this policy.

• We oppose all the public and hidden wars of the U.S. the continued occupations of Afghanistan and Iraq, and the expansion of U.S. militarization. We are appalled by the ongoing attacks on the people of Palestine through the denial of equal rights inside Israel, division through the wall, economic isolation, blockades of supplies and imports, escalating militarization throughout the occupied territories, and the continued refusal of Palestinian refugees’ right of return. We support organizations intensifying efforts through boycott, divestment, and sanction strategies. We oppose escalating military activities everywhere. We demand the immediate removal of all U.S. troops from all countries under occupation and demand an end of use of U.S. dollars to cultivate and sponsor wars against people in the U.S. and abroad.

• We demand justice for the many TGNC people who have been beaten, assaulted, raped, and murdered. These incidents continue to be silenced, misclassified or blamed on TNGC people. The police and media continue to criminalize us even when we try to defend ourselves. An increase in hate crime laws will not solve the problem but will give increased power to the state to put more people in jail. Instead we call for a unified effort for all of us to address the root causes of why these incidents happen. As a society that seeks social justice we seek to find ways of preventing attacks on TGNC people by building strong and knowledgeable communities and using transformative justice to hold people accountable.

We commemorate Amanda Milan, Sakia Gunn, Ruby Ordeñana, Gwen Araujo, Erika Keels, Victoria Arellano, Lawrence King, Saneesha Stewart, Duanna Johnson, Angie Zapata, Teish Cannon, Taysia Elzy and the many others we have lost, who struggled and lived fearlessly, being true to who they were. They keep the fire of struggle burning within all of us.

On June 26, 2009, TGNC POC and allies will take to the streets of NYC once again and demand justice to let the world know, that on the 40th anniversary of Stonewall, the rebellion is not over and we will continue fighting for justice, raising our voices until we are heard. We call on all activist and organizers for justice, both local and organizations around the country to endorse this call to action and to build contingents to march in solidarity together. To endorse TDOA 2009, send an email to endorsetdoa@alp.org, for more info contact - info4tdoa@alp.org or Mya at 718-596-0342 x 23.

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Newly-elected District Attorney Chisolm can act now to save Troy Davis' life

Courts refuse to hear the full case that may prove Troy's innocence. But if an innocent man is executed, then who will be held responsible for the murder of police officer Mark MacPhail?

Urge District Attorney Chisholm To Re-Open The Murder Investigation

The Supreme Court will soon look at Troy Davis' petition for a new trial. While we will be disappointed if the courts once again fail to intervene in a case that is so overwhelmed with doubt and a lack of evidence, Troy needs us to keep knocking on doors until one finally opens up.

Savannah's new District Attorney, Larry Chisolm, elected in 2008 on similar principles as President Obama, could be that opportunity. During Chisolm's bid for District Attorney, he laudably pledged to "increase the sense of fairness and transparency in the prosecution function." If there ever was a case that required both fairness and transparency, then this is it. Urge District Attorney Chisolm to make good on his pledge by re-opening Troy's case.

At the heart of this case is a brutal murder of a police officer that could go unpunished if an innocent man is put to death. The District Attorney has the power to re-open the investigation into this crime for which Troy was convicted. Only once we have all the facts on the table, can the courts truly begin to assess the fate of Troy Davis.

At this point, no court has bothered to answer:
* why seven of nine prosecution witnesses have recanted or contradicted their testimony?
* why no physical evidence links Troy to the murder?
* why one of the two final witnesses has been implicated in many sworn statements as the real killer of officer Mark MacPhail?
Ask District Attorney Chisolm to re-open the investigation to uncover the truth behind officer MacPhail's murder.

You only have to look to May 19th, the Global Day of Action for Troy Davis, to grasp just how much more there is to this case than meets the eye. Supporters across the U.S. joined voices with advocates from 14 different countries around the globe to demand real action for Troy.

Your actions continue to mean so much. In fact, Troy Davis and his sister, Martina Correia, were so touched by the outpouring of your support that they joined a call with Amnesty activists and staff to give their 'thank yous' in person. Listen to Troy Davis' message to Amnesty activists (MP3).

We don't know how much longer this fight for Troy's life is going to last. But as long as there are people who can intervene to save Troy's life, then we will keep pushing for justice.

Remind District Attorney Chisolm there is still time to make good on his pledge.

In Solidarity,

Sue Gunawardena-Vaughn
Director, Death Penalty Abolition Campaign
Amnesty International USA

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From Texas death row: A review of Mumia’s new book

By Harvey “Tee” Earvin Polunsky, Unit, Livingston, Texas, May 21, 2009

“Jailhouse Lawyers: Prisoners Defending Prisoners v. the USA” by Mumia Abu-Jamal, City Lights Publishers, 2009; order from www.leftbooks.com.

“Jailhouse Lawyers: Prisoners Defending Prisoners v. the USA.” Wow! Before I say what it is, let me say where it belongs: right next to Howard Zinn’s “A People’s History of the United States.”

Like all societies, U.S. prison houses have a beginning. They have a history. And, as has been written, “The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggle.”

This is our struggle, our history, written by one of our very own, from our perspective, a prisoner’s perspective.

The prisoner’s struggle is a human struggle that has yet to be recognized as such. Save for the most politicized segment of nominally free society, prisoners have had to go it alone, suffering, sometimes dying, without anyone to turn to but ourselves.

What we, the dispossessed, have most needed—lawyers, writers, poets, organizers, educators—have largely come from us. Forged out of struggle, we are the products of state oppression.

Mumia Abu-Jamal says it best in his conclusion, the “Afterword.” We are “men and women, often self-taught, [who] have developed a tradition of selfless service and in some cases excellence, to serve the needs of society’s dispossessed.”

Yes, “Jailhouse Lawyers” is our story, the testimonies of many, told to our greatest voice, our best and most prolific writer. These voices refute that “History is the memory of states,” as maintained by Henry Kissinger in his book, “A World Restored.” No, that memory, that propaganda, is state repression. Lies intended to kill and to bury. But here, in “Jailhouse Lawyers,” in the testimonies of revolutionary resistance, we rise in that beautiful, victorious way described by distinguished poet Maya Angelou:

You may write me down in history
With your bitter, twisted lies,
You may trod me in the very dirt
But still, like dust, I’ll rise.

The book begins with a lively interview by Mumia of a Philadelphia prisoner, Delbert Africa, years before Mumia himself became a prisoner. Africa is trying with his best effort to get a less-than-informed Mumia to see and understand how some prisoners come into the system, study the law for years believing that there is justice in it—that it is fixed by precedents and thus applies equally to all, favoring neither rich nor poor—only to discover a most shocking truth, a truth oftentimes too much to handle.

“Them dudes get in there, read alla them law books, and before you know it, they be crazy as hell!” Delbert Africa argues.

“What do you mean crazy?” Mumia asks.

“Well, they may not be crazy when they get here, but after a few months of reading that shit, they go down to City Hall, and when they see that them folks down there in City Hall, in the System, don’t really go by that so-called law, well!—it plumb drives them dudes crazy!”

“Yeah, man, but why it drives ’em dudes crazy?” Mumia presses, still not understanding.

“Cuz they can’t believe that the system don’t follow they own laws.”

What Mumia could not conceive of then, he would bear witness to later, perhaps still, to some extent, disbelieving his own eyes. After all, this is America, is it not? Where life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness are supposedly inviolable rights; where none stand at risk of losing life, liberty or property without due justice.

This is what we’re taught from grade school. And these are the values that we hold up before the world, loudly and proudly proclaiming to be a nation of freedom. Freedom that we love so much that our young volunteer for military service to defend what we have with their life.

“Jailhouse Lawyers” shatters these myths and awakens us to the true function of their law, its origin, its intent and who it serves, beginning with the Declaration of Independence (the breaking away of the rich slave masters, the wealthy landholders and the powerful governors of the colonies that were in rebellion and demanding freedom; a freedom that included the freedom to keep others in bondage).

The slaves were governed by separate, uniquely designed laws, known as slave codes, to keep them subdued.

After slavery was abolished in its traditional chattel form, a new series of laws were passed called “Black Codes” that made everything but breathing a crime for the ex-slaves.

Consequently, many were arrested in droves, as the Black Codes did what they were designed to do: re-harness their labor.

We, the prisoners, are the new slaves, governed now by “Prisoner Codes,” codes that have lately become stricter with the passage of the Prison Litigation Reform Act.

In all the ways that people can resist bondage, slaves, ex-slaves and prisoners have done it. In every way that one can go about attempting to acquire justice, they have done it.

Using the law and litigation is just one of the many avenues taken by those who fight back. These men and women who litigate from behind prison walls are commonly called writ writers or jailhouse lawyers.

It is their stories that Mumia brings to us in his latest book. These men and women are our heroes and finally their history has been recorded for all to read.

At the Summit of the Americas, Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez gave Barack Obama the book “Open Veins of Latin America.” I wish that I could give “Jailhouse Lawyers” to every person in the United States, including the 2.3 million slaves locked in these plantations.

The writer is a founding member of Panthers United for Revolutionary Education, a group of politically active, death-row prisoners in Texas. Earvin has been on death row since he was 18 years old and is now 51. Earvin is an honorary member of Workers World Party.

Articles copyright 1995-2009 Workers World. Verbatim copying and distribution of this entire article is permitted in any medium without royalty provided this notice is preserved.

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Release of New Report on Latino Youth in the Adult Justice System

Campaign For Youth Justice, May 20, 2009

Today, the National Council of La Raza (NCLR) and the Campaign for Youth Justice released a new report entitled America's Invisible Children: Latino Youth and the Failure of Justice. The report examines the most recent information available about Latino youth in the justice system, with a particular focus on youth tried as adults. The report finds that Latino youth are treated more harshly by the justice system than white youth, for similar offenses, at all stages in the justice system.

"This country's justice system is in crisis. At the heart of the crisis is our failure to recognize that this system is for the care and treatment of children, not simply the punishment and correction of criminals," said Janet Murguía, NCLR President and CEO. "We need a new approach that allows Latino children to dream, and dream big, while providing them with the tools they need to accomplish those dreams."

Each year, an estimated 200,000 youth under age 18 are tried as adults in courts nationwide. As a result, thousands of Latino youth are prosecuted in the adult criminal justice system every year, depriving them of rehabilitative opportunities, including education, mental health services, and other age-appropriate services that make it more likely that youth will become law-abiding, productive citizens. In addition, Latino youth prosecuted in the adult system can be held in adult jails and prisons where they are at great risk of suicide and sexual assault.

"The justice system has failed Latino youth and communities as these kids are treated more punitively by the justice system than white youth for similar offenses," said Liz Ryan, CFYJ President and CEO. "The Administration, Congress, and state and local officials must take immediate steps to redress these glaring disparities."

According to recent reports from the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the U.S. Department of Justice, youth who are tried as adults are more likely to reoffend than youth retained in the juvenile justice system.

Key Findings from America's Invisible Children: Latino Youth and the Failure of Justice:

On any given day, close to 18,000 Latino youth are incarcerated in America. The majority of these youth are incarcerated for nonviolent offenses. Most Latino youth are held in juvenile detention facilities (41%) and juvenile long-term secure facilities (34%). However, one out of every four (24%) incarcerated Latino children is held in an adult prison or jail even though youth in adult facilities are in significant danger of suicide and rape.

Latino youth are overrepresented in the U.S. justice system and receive harsher treatment than white youth. In order of rising disparities, Latino youth are 4% more likely than white youth to be petitioned, 16% more likely than white youth to be adjudicated delinquent, 28% more likely than white youth to be detained, 41% more likely than white youth to receive an out-of-home placement, 43% more likely than white youth to be waived to the adult system, and 40% more likely to be admitted to adult prison. States with the highest levels of disparity of Latino youth in adult prison (rates over 5 times that for white youth) were California, Minnesota, North Dakota, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin.

Nine out of ten (90%) Latino youth ages 10 to 17 live in states that permit pre-trial detention in adult jails for youth prosecuted in the adult system. According to a study of 40 large urban jurisdictions, Latino youth prosecuted in the adult system are routinely incarcerated in adult jails. Overall, a higher proportion of white youth are released pretrial (60%) than any other racial or ethnic categories. Most (54%) of Latino youth prosecuted in the adult system were detained pretrial; of the Latino youth detained pretrial, 72% were held in adult jails.

Recommendations for Congress and the Administration:
Reauthorize the Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention Act (JJDPA) this year with strengthening provisions such as updating the "Disproportionate Minority Contact" (DMC) core requirement to give states specific guidance on action steps to reduce both racial and ethnic disparities and by closing the loophole that allows youth to be placed in adult jails.

Substantially increase federal investments to improve culturally and linguistically appropriate, community-based programs and alternatives to incarceration for Latino youth.

Oppose legislation that increases the transfer of youth to the adult criminal system or expands mandatory minimum sentences such as gang enhancements.
State and Local Policymakers should:
Immediately stop housing young people in adult jails and prisons.

Redirect resources from incarceration to culturally and linguistically competent in-home and community-based services for at-risk youth and youth already in the juvenile or adult justice systems, such as the programs profiled in this brief.

Reduce the transfer of youth to adult court by repealing statutory exclusion and prosecutorial discretion laws.
The National Council of La Raza is the largest national Latino civil rights and advocacy organization in the U.S., working to improve opportunities for Hispanic Americans.

The entire report can be viewed at:
http://campaignforyouthjustice.org/documents/Latino_Brief.pdf.

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Special ‘Terror’ Courts Worry Legal Experts

By William Fisher

NEW YORK, May 20 (IPS) - The administration of President Barack Obama is considering the creation of a national security court to try cases in which there is enough reliable intelligence to hold a foreign terrorism suspect in preventive detention, but not enough to bring a case in federal court or even through military commissions.

Human rights advocates and legal experts confirm that the new institution is among the options being considered by the Justice Department Task Force Obama created to determine how best to adjudicate the cases of suspected terrorists held at the U.S. naval base at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. Obama has pledged to close that detention centre by January 2010.

But the idea of establishing a National Security Court is attracting widespread criticism because it would mean keeping some terrorism suspects on U.S. soil indefinitely.

While the idea of such a new court system is generally supported by conservatives, that support is far from universal.

Sen. Lindsey Graham, a conservative Republican from South Carolina and a military judge in the Air Force Reserve, notes the legal difficulties that would arise from a National Security Court. "How do you hold someone in prison without a trial indefinitely?" he asked.

Another prominent conservative, Bruce Fein, who served in the Justice Department under President Ronald Reagan, described the issues surrounding detention and trial of alleged terrorists as "the most important the Republic has confronted since the Civil War as to what America means. It should not mean Empire!"

Fein believes the regular federal court system should be the venue for terrorism trials.

He told IPS, "Shortly after 9/11, Michael Chertoff, then head of the Criminal Division of DOJ, testified before the Senate Judiciary Committee that Article III federal courts have performed brilliantly in the trials of terrorism cases assisted by the Classified Information Procedures Act of 1980 (CIPA)."

CIPA enables trials without disclosing national security secrets where a summary of the incriminating evidence is sufficient to enable the accused to conduct a fair defence.

Fein says Chertoff told the Senate Judiciary Committee that "the history of this government in prosecuting terrorists in domestic courts has been one of unmitigated success and one in which the judges have done a superb job of managing the courtroom and not compromising our concerns about security and our concerns about classified information."

He said the Obama administration "has failed to adduce a crumb of evidence, experience, or intuition suggesting that a national security court is necessary to secure justice - unless the term is meant to include convicting the innocent like a page from Orwell’s 1984."

Since 9/11, federal courts have tried approximately 120 terror-related cases, with defendants including some considered among the most dangerous.

Prof. Francis Boyle of the University of Illinois law school agrees. He told IPS, "The proposal to establish a ‘National Security Court’ here in the United States would constitute a U.S. Constitutional abomination."

"It would simply import the Gitmo kangaroo courts into the United States itself and purport to render these U.S. domestic kangaroo national security courts part of our longstanding constitutional system for the administration of justice going back to the foundation of our Republic," he said.

A similar view is expressed by Chip Pitts, president of the Board of Directors of the Bill of Rights Defence Committee. He told IPS,

"The basic problem with National Security Courts is similar to that with military commissions or other second-tier systems not offering the full panoply of basic human rights and civil liberties to defendants: they posit a category of people (suspected terrorists) purportedly not entitled to basic constitutional and human rights including a full and genuine presumption of innocence with the associated opportunities to fairly defend themselves."

He added, "These have been the very concerns prompting the U.S. to routinely object when such courts are used by other countries."

He said, "The bottom-line is that such courts – like military commissions applying outside of the usual circumstances (real-world war, with battlefields etc) – are neither needed nor a good idea. They would risk being broadened and subjected to mission creep, but even if they can be limited to the circumstances contemplated would be an alarming step along the road toward a very different country indeed from what our founders envisioned."

"The rule of law, by contrast, has proven to be a pretty good idea, along with its associated notions of human rights/civil liberties," he said.

Jonathan Hafetz, an attorney with the American Civil Liberties Union’s National Security Project, believes the establishment of National Security Courts "would be a terrible mistake."

He told IPS that these new courts "would institutionalise many of the worst features of Bush administration policies, perpetuating both indefinite detention and trial of terrorism suspects outside the established federal criminal courts."

He added, "National security court proposals are riddled with constitutional flaws including reliance on secret evidence, elimination of core constitutional safeguards like the right to confront one's accusers, and the absence of protections against the use of evidence obtained by coercion."

"While they might be sold as a reform measure, national security courts are part of an agenda to continue the failed Guantanamo system rather than to end it," he said.

Brian J. Foley, visiting associate professor at the Boston University law school, says U.S. detention policy "needs rethinking".

He told IPS, "The current Guantanamo system has rules that are too soft and allow roundups of suspected terrorists based on unreliable evidence. Interrogating these people using harsh methods leads to false confessions and other statements calculated to end the abuse. Threatening them with trial by what amounts to a kangaroo court will also cause many to confess falsely."

He says the result is that "U.S. anti-terror officials end up with a false picture of the enemy and waste their time chasing false leads and phantoms, which can distract them from actual terrorists. If the U.S. is to have a special court system for terrorists, it should be focused on coming to accurate results, not simply politically expedient convictions."

Foley sees the current debate as an "opportunity for policymakers to think really hard about accuracy and about how rules can foster accuracy."

He explains: "Most discussions right now are 'rights'- based. Accuracy, though, should be the focus on any such new court system."

He said he is "not convinced that alleged terrorists and war criminals and war criminals should not be tried in our regular courts. It would be easier to tinker with the existing system - which has developed slowly over the years - if necessary rather than building an entirely new one."

Mark Shulman, a professor at the Pace University law school, sees an ominous similarity between the current discussion and the experiences of other countries.

"National security or terrorist courts in other countries offer troubling lessons, mostly because of their implications for the respect for civil liberties generally - not only of the accused, but of the wider population," he said.

"Existing proposals to create such a court in the United States inadequately account for this risk, or explain how it would be minimized or mitigated. "Emergency systems in other countries have invariably reduced civil liberties for the general population."

He emphasised that "it is important to recognise that these emergency systems in such diverse jurisdictions as Great Britain, Malaysia, and South Africa have diminished freedoms for society as a whole."

(END/2009)

http://www.ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=46921

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PHONE CALLS TO PAROLE BOARD FOR MOVE 9! Philly IMC feature on May 13, 1985

Don't forget to call the parole board, radio call in shows, anywhere you possibly can to demand the release of the MOVE 9!

(717) 787-5699

http://www.phillyimc.org/en/may-13-1985-must-not-be-forgotten
May 13, 1985 Must Not Be Forgotten

As Born Black Magazine reports, on May 13, 1985, the City of Philadelphia launched a military assault on the MOVE Organization's home at 6221 Osage Ave. in West Philadelphia, officially done to solve a neighborhood dispute. That morning police shot over 10,000 rounds of bullets in 90 minutes, and detonated explosives on the front, and both sides of their house. Mayor Wilson Goode then refused to ne gotiate with MOVE during an afternoon standstill, and a State Police helicopter dropped a C-4 bomb, illegally supplied by the FBI, on the roof. The bomb started a fire that city officials allowed to burn, and eventually grew to destroy 60 homes: the entire block of a middle-class black neighborhood. This assault killed 5 children and 6 adults, including MOVE founder John Africa. 13-year old Birdie Africa and 30-year old Ramona Africa were the only survivors, after they dodged police gunfire and escaped from the fire with permanent burn scars.

On Saturday, May 16, MOVE is marking the 24th anniversary with a Philadelphia demonstration calling for the release of the eight remaining "MOVE 9" prisoners, who are currently eligible for parole, although Eddie Africa was denied parole last week.

RELATED: Spanish translation of Born Black article II Was Officer Ramp killed by police gunfire? An interview with Linn Washington Jr. MOVE 9 Parole Video Series II VIDEOS: Confrontation in Philadelphia and MOVE (narrated by Howard Zinn) II Contact the Parole Board II Friends of MOVE, Slovakia II OnaMove.com

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