Third Stage of Operation Crack the Coup: Popular Mobilization

By Laura Carlsen, Americas MexicoBlog, July 31, 2009

Photo: Honduran high school teacher Roger Abraham Vallejo Soriano shot by police was pronounced dead at 3:30 am Aug. 1 by the capital city morgue. -ACFJ

In an interview yesterday, I described the three stages of the coup so far. Stage one began with the immediate response of the international diplomatic community in condemning the coup d'etat in Honduras and supporting the immediate return of President Manuel Zelaya. Zelaya appeared before the Organization of American States, the United Nations, Central American and South American integration groups and received universal backing.

Many countries would do it, especially when the colossal of the north, the United States, weighed in against the coup. How long could the coup leaders last, iced out of the international system?

The answer turned out to be much longer than we expected and way longer than we hoped. The coup has gone into its second month. Either the diplomatic sanctions were not strict enough or the coup leaders have hidden sources of support that have led them to believe they can buck the rest of the world.

Both of these explanations are demonstrably true, and we can add to that a high dose of delusional thinking on the part of de facto regime that does not seem to understand its own dilemma. As documented here before, international rightwing forces have backed the fall of Zelaya since before the coup and continue to provide expertise and likely considerable financial resources. U.S. so-called "democracy promotion" programs including the National Endowment for Democracy, USAID and the International Republican Institute have also funneled large amounts of cash to Zelaya opponents. The Honduran oligarchy controls a huge percentage of national wealth and now has exclusive control over the national budget. Given the high degree of corruption in the country as a whole, it probably has some more shady sources as well but that remains on the docket for further investigation.

Sanctions by the U.S. government have so far touched only a small percentage of aid to Honduras and although joint military operations have been cut off, the School of Americas Watch reports that the school continues to train Hondurans and there have been no changes in operations at the Palmerola military base where the U.S. has military personnel. Freezing assets of coup members or applying trade sanctions have not even been discussed openly.

The second stage was the mediation promoted by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and led by Costa Rican President Oscar Arias. This stage has ended in failure as well. After Arias proposed a seven-point plan, the coup rejected the main point of Zelaya´s return. The coup announced that it would come back with an answer on Monday. Dilatory practices that end in more refusals have been standard coup behavior since the talks began.

Moreover, Zelaya´s return to office is not the only issue in mediation. There exists the problem that the State Department seems to favor a plan that will curtail the constitutional powers of the president.

Amb. Robert White, president of the Center for International Policy, writes,

"President Mel Zelaya is right to refuse to be delivered back to his presidential chair, trussed and bound like a capon, an impotent symbol of a democratic façade."

"If Secretary of State Clinton permits the coup regime to impose conditions on the return of the constitutional president, then she damages, perhaps irreparably, the OAS, and breaks faith with Oscar Arias who thought he had her unequivocal backing."

Americas Program on-the-ground writer in Honduras, Dick Emanuelsson just sent in a long report on the current situation in Honduras that combines interviews and eye-witness descriptions, history and analysis, and an understanding of the country that comes with years of living in Tegucigalpa and reporting for news agencies throughout the world on that troubled corner of the earth. We are currently translating it in its entirety for these pages.

Here is part of an interview with Marvin Ponce, congressional representative of the Democratic Unification Party and a member of the delegation that Zelaya selected for the dialogue in Costa Rica with Arias. Ponce met with State Department officials in Washington. Here he expresses his lack of faith in Arias and the mediation process.

“Oscar Arias is an enemy of social movements and has played a sad role by dragging out the process and proposing an agenda of seven points even though he is not a negotiator and even discarding the popular consultation, which was the reason for the coup...”,

"They (the coup leaders) have the arms—not only the military but also the communications media. We have broken the media blockade of the right and the groups in power, and you can see how the people have been mobilizing all this time without giving in.”

"We went to Washington to demand a stronger role of the United States that practically displaced the OAS; it took over the process and took it to Central America and to Arias where it became a sterile dialogue, meant to go on and on to wear out the president, the citizenry and give more force to the coup and practically converted the coup into a valid counterpart. The biggest mistake of the president was to sit down and dialogue with the coup. However, he believed that after talking with Hillary Clinton everything would end in two or three days because the mediation would have been an ultimatum to the coup to give up power."

“The first meeting with Arias was a failure. The second also, and the third brought in this other agenda. The coup leaders now say that they are taking the proposal to the national congress and the Supreme Court to consult—this is a bureaucratic way of buying time. Now the Obama administration is telling Zelaya not to go to Tegucigalpa but to Washington. The U.S. is playing a sorry role and in the end is playing to the coup because they do not want a concrete solution to the problem."

“When we were in Washington, the representative in charge of Central America in the State Department told us that they were doing a legal study to decide whether or not there was a coup in Honduras. That's why we say that the people do not want to submit to national or international coup supporters.”

Ponce believes the mediation is weakening regional efforts at ending the coup.

"The Secretary General of the OAS, Jorge Miguel Insulza, arrived in Tegucigalpa the third day of the coup just to advise the coup leaders that they had to give up power to the ousted president Zelaya. Now he has a low profile and suggests that Zelaya should not go back to his own country, in recognition of the Costa Rica agenda."

Honduran social organizations have rejected the failed mediation and we have entered the third stage of the drama, where growing popular resistance faces off with increasing repression. The potential for more violence grows each day, as shown in the terrible attack on demonstrators in El Durazno, Tegucigalpa yesterday (see photo).

This doesn't mean that other stages are closed off completely. Latin American organizations have begun efforts to increase pressures. Members of the Mexican Congress called on President Felipe Calderon, who is the current president of the Rio Group, to call a meeting of that group to step up pressure. But he too has bought into the failed mediation and refused.

Mark Weisbrot of the Center for Economic Policy research, writing for the Guardian says,

"Latin America gave Washington a chance to use its influence with the Honduran elite to restore democracy there. It didn't work. Now it is Latin America's turn to take the lead. Hopefully, Washington will follow."

Perhaps it will be a combination of renewed diplomatic efforts and the popular movement that finally restores constitutional order in Honduras. For now, the latter is on the forefront and deserves total international support for its efforts to end the impasse before more people are killed and wounded by a coup desperate to retain power gained against all conventions of international law and human decency.

As Arias Proposes Coalition Government, National Front Against the Coup Vows to Keep Up Resistance

By Laura Carlsen, Americas MexicoBlog, July 17, 2009

• Hondurans continue blockades of major highways to strangle coup
• Juan Barahona, National Front Against the Coup: “We have no hopes for the talks”
• ‘The U.S. position is a double position: publicly, they are against the coup but there is another position that supports it.’
• U.S. should comply with "complete economic and political isolation" of the Honduran coup

The official mediator of the Honduras conflict, President Oscar Arias, further alienated Honduran anti-coup groups by saying he will propose a coalition government and try to disuade elected President Manuel Zelaya from returning to his country. Arias also mentioned offering “amnesties”, although he did not specify for whom or on what terms. With talks scheduled to begin tomorrow, conflicting statements regarding Zelaya’s return, the terms of talks and the positions coup leaders will take make for an uncertain, and unpromising, scenario.

For leaders of the grassroots movements risking their lives to break the coup’s grip on power in their country, the news comes as proof that the mediation holds little prospect of solutions for reinstating the democratically elected president, ousted by the military on June 28.

The Americas Program talked to Juan Barahona, one of the principal founders and leaders of the National Front Against the Coup, to get his response on Arias’ statements in Costa Rica.

Barahona noted that the coup leaders cannot be considered valid counterparts for negotiating terms for the restitution of constitutional law and return of the president. He also rejected any prospect of imposing a cabinet in Honduras.

“The faculty of appointing a cabinet is a constitutional faculty reserved for the president, President Zelaya. He names the cabinet and a cabinet cannot be imposed or conditioned by anyone else. That is just unacceptable,” he said.

Barahona also discarded a negotiation that would include amnesty for politicians and military personnel behind the coup.

“The other aspect that’s unacceptable is to pardon the coup. They have to pay for their crimes of usurpation of power, violation of the constitution, and the deaths of the past days since the coup.” At least four protesters and opposition leaders have been killed by security forces and hit squads.

The organizations leading the peaceful demonstrations that have mounted over the past week have consistently called for plans to continue to hold a vote on a referendum to call a constitutional assembly, the measure that catalyzed the coup.

“The other thing we can’t give up is our right to hold a constitutional assembly,” said Barahona. “That’s a right we have been fighting for over these past days of actions that we won’t give up.”

The constitutional assembly lies at the heart of the differences between the wealthy oligarchy, backed up by the Armed Forces and the farmer, worker and indigenous organizations that look to change the constitution to guarantee a more just distribution of wealth in the sharply unequal nation.

When asked about the future of the talks, Barahona replied,

“We don’t see any possibilities to arrive at an agreement in the talks in Costa Rica. These talks could just be a way to buy time for the coup to consolidate its power and also to buy time to exhaust the resistance. We don’t have any hope for the talks in Costa Rica.”

A major knot in the talks regards the return of President Zelaya to Honduras. Coup leader Roberto Micheletti has stated that he will not be allowed to return to the country.

According to the latest reports, Zelaya said he will return to Honduras within 48 hours if the talks fail. His foreign minister, Patricia Rodas, told the press that Zelaya will soon be on his way back, in his second attempt to enter the country. "The establishment and installation of an alternative seat of government will be to direct what I will call the final battle."

For Barahona and the Front, Zelaya´s return is non-negotiable.

“We want the president to return to Honduras. If there is no agreement, the presence of the president here will strengthen the resistance and alongside him we can recuperate power that was usurped by the coup.”

Barahona reported that the blockades in major highways continue. “We will keep up our resistance. We have roadblocks throughout the country and today we maintained the occupations of highways from Tegucigalpa to San Pedro Sula, from Tegucigalpa toward to south and also the highway to the major port of Puerto Cortes. We also have blockades in Ocotepec and Olancho.”

In recent statements, the U.S. State Department has reverted to calling for a “return to democratic and constitutional order” without mentioning the reinstatement of Zelaya, although when pushed by the press spokesperson on July 14 Ian Kelly did say that restoration of legal order requires the return of Zelaya. This zig-zagging and the lack of firm actions by the U.S. to apply broader sanctions has caused doubts about the government’s position in Honduras. I asked Barahona about the U.S. position.

“The position of the United States is a double position,” he said. “The public position is that they are against the coup. But there is another very different position that supports the coup.”

“What we expect is for the United States to comply with the agreement of the OAS, which is for the complete economic and political isolation of the coup and they still aren’t doing it.”

Human rights and anti-militarization groups in the U.S. have launched campaigns to call for the reinstatement of Zelaya and return to constitutional rule. Barahona noted that the support received from groups in other countries has been critical to the resistance.

“We really need this support, it strengthens us. With the internal resistance and internacional support we can defeat the people who have carried out this coup.”

Honduras, Washington, and Liberal-Left Grasping at Straws

By Paul Street, ZNet, July 7, 2009

So liberal-left Obama supporters think they've got something to crow about in regard to Honduras. As George Ciccareillo-Maher noted recently on Counterpunch: "Previously resigned Obamaphiles, desperate to grasp at any shred of proof suggesting that they were right to get high on hope and expect imminent change, are closing ranks around their government and insisting that the U.S. government's response to the Honduran coup is proof positive of such change. Some even go so far as to claim that the Obama administration's support for Zelaya has been ‘unambiguous,' adding that ‘complaints that Washington hasn't acted fast enough to denounce the Honduran coup are silly and ignorant on the face of them.'"[1]

SOME "BLUNT LESSON[S] ABOUT POWER"

"Rebranding War and Occupation"

We'll return to Washington and Honduras in a moment, after some comments on why Obama's "progressive" fans are clutching at straws. It's been a weird and lonely time for many of them, what with Barack Obama's blatant escalation of terrorist, civilian-slaughtering war in South Asia, his apparently indefinite continuation of the Iraq occupation, his increase of the "defense" (empire) budget (Morgan Stanley reported last November that Obama rejects the silly concept of a "peace dividend"), his advance approval for an Israel attack on Iran, his refusal to move in any serious way against Israel's occupation of Palestine, his continuing refusal to permit Jean Bertrand Aristide back into the Caribbean, and...so on (the list goes on and on).

Did anyone besides Noam Chomsky notice the June 10th New York Times article in which we learned that Obama was pressuring the Iraqi government not to permit the popular referendum required by the Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) - the withdrawal document forced on the Bush administration by the Iraqi resistance. As the Times explained, the Obama administration fears that the Iraqi population might insist on the immediate removal of all U.S. troops, rejecting the SOFA provision that delays U.S. withdrawal until 2012. Such insistence, described as "anti-Americanism" by U.S. officials, would be consistent with longstanding majority Iraqi opinion, recorded in Pentagon-run polls and other Western surveys. The legally mandated referendum (described by the Times as a "potent poison pill approved at the same time as the security agreement as a way to appease political factions that did not want to be tarred with the accusation that they had voted for a measure that allowed American soldiers to stay on Iraqi soil until 2012") was scheduled for July 30, 2009. In likely "deference to American concerns," the Times reported, the Iraqi cabinet declared its wish to delay the vote for six months so that it could be held at the same time as national elections in January "to save money and time."[2]

"Overall," the prolific left journalist Jeremy Scahill noted in mid-June of 2009, Obama is "implementing a U.S. foreign policy that in some ways --or, I think, in many ways--advances the interest of the American empire in a way the Republicans could only have dreamed of doing." Further:

"What people, I think, misunderstand about Barack Obama is that this is a man who is a brilliant supporter of empire - who has figured out a way to essentially trick a lot of people into believing they're supporting radical change, when in effect what they're doing is supporting a radical expansion of the U.S. empire."

"I think that Obama is showing himself to be a master of misdirection--almost like a magician. He'll say a few things in his speech that sound like they're new, like a totally different U.S. approach, but then he'll also at the same time roll out a policy that is further than even Bush took things."

The title of the article in which Scahill made these comments said a mouthful: "Rebranding War and Occupation." [3] In comments made around the same time during a speech at the annual meetings of the International Socialist Organization, Scahill observed that "Obama is an incredibly Orwellian character. He can make people think that war is peace."[4]

"The Architects of Policy Protect Their Own Interests"

Then there's Obama's domestic agenda of, for, and by the wealthy Few. In the May 2009 edition of the centrist public affairs magazine The Atlantic, Simon Johnson, the former chief economist of the International Monetary Fund (no leftist!), argued that the Obama administration was for all intents and purposes in Wall Street's pocket. In an article titled "The Quiet Coup," Johnson argued that, in the words of the Atlantic's editors, "the finance industry has effectively captured our government— a state of affairs that more typically describes emerging markets, and is at the center of many emerging-market crises. If the IMF's staff could speak freely about the U.S., it would tell us what it tells all countries in this situation: recovery will fail unless we break the financial oligarchy that is blocking essential reform. And if we are to prevent a true depression, we're running out of time." By Johnson's account, "Throughout the crisis, the government has taken extreme care not to upset the interests of the financial institutions or to question the basic outlines of the system that got us here...[the] elite business interests [who] played a central role in creating the crisis...with the implicit backing of the government" [are] "now using their influence to prevent precisely [the] reforms that are needed, and fast, to pull the economy out of its nosedive...The [Obama] government seems helpless, or unwilling, to act against them."[5]

Chomsky rightly sees this statement as chilling confirmation of the great 18th century economist and philosopher Adam Smith's warning that "the architects of policy protect their own interests, no matter how grievous the effect on others."

"And they are the architects of policy," Chomsky adds. "Obama made sure to staff his economic team with advisors from [the financial] sector."[6]

As giant financial bailouts for Wall Street oligarchs combined with growing destitution amongst the popular Many to expose the chasm between the investor and political classes and the broad citizenry last March, the liberal-left journalist and author William Greider made a telling observation in the Washington Post:

"People everywhere [have] learned a blunt lesson about power, who has it and who doesn't. They [have] watched Washington run to rescue the very financial interests that caused the catastrophe. They [have] learned that government has plenty of money to spend when the right people want it. ‘Where's my bailout,' became the rueful punch line at lunch counters and construction sides nationwide. Then to deepen the insult, people [have] watched as establishment forces re-launched their campaign for ‘entitlement reform - a euphemism for whacking Social Security benefits, Medicare and Medicaid." [7]

A glowing Los Angeles Times assessment of Obama's first hundred Days reproduced an interesting statement from Obama to the leaders of the banking industry last March. As the financial chieftains began to complain to him about the public's failure to understand their industry's need for high levels of compensation, Obama cut them off. "Be careful how you make those statements, gentlemen" Obama said. "The public isn't buying that. My administration is the only thing between you and the pitchforks." [8]

A student who told me about this Los Angeles Times report wrote me with an interesting comment: "The question for me (and I assume for many leftists) is why is Obama using his administration to protect the bankers from the angry rabble (us)? Why doesn't his administration simply address the people's needs and leave the bankers to their fate? These are, of course, rhetorical questions. We know that he is serving to protect and legitimate the highly undemocratic and destructive class system of state capitalism through another crisis."

HONDURAS

Oh, but look, liberal-left Obama fans exult, there's Honduras! Yes, Honduras, where right-wing generals and politicians undertook a coup against a left-leaning and democratically elected president and....our "progressive" NOT Bush president.... DID NOT RUSH TO DEFEND the criminal action! He even "condemned" it!! Obama has "unambiguously" expressed his belief that the deposed president, Manuel Zelaya, should be returned to power - an opinion shared with nearly every Latin American state and the United Nations General Assembly!!!

Isn't it wonderful, indicative of a dramatically new democratic day in U.S. foreign policy? Isn't it just so different from how the Bush-Cheney administration responded to the short-lived business-media-military coup against Venezuela's leftist president Hugo Chavez in April of 2002? Hosanna Hey Sanna Sanna Sanna Ho Sanna Hey Sanna Ho Superstar!

"Lukewarm, Proper, Belated, and Mixed"

Not so fast. Obama has responded with pronounced imperial ambiguity toward the blatantly illegal[9] coup, which was of course carried out by U.S.-trained and U.S. funded military forces and conducted with U.S.-supplied military equipment.[10] While he somewhat belatedly condemned the Honduran coup, Obama has "stepped lightly" (as the Washington Post put it)[11] when it comes to reacting. The White Houses possesses [12] but has yet (as of this writing, on the morning of Monday, July 6th) to decisively exercise the power to quickly restore Zelaya to his rightful office in Honduras, a nation whose government and economy had long been exceedingly dependent on the U.S.

On the first evening following the Honduran coup, Obama expressed "deep concern" regarding "the detention and expulsion of President Mel Zelaya" and called on "all political and social actors in Honduras to respect democratic norms" and the "the rule of law" so as to resolve "existing tensions and disputes... through dialogue free from any outside interference." Still, the White House refused to officially/legally declare the removal of Zelaya "a coup." Making such a declaration would have triggered (under the Foreign Assistance Act) a cutoff of tens of millions of dollars of U.S. aid to the Central American nation.[13] John Negroponte, a former U.S. ambassador to Honduras and a leading, blood-soaked figure in U.S. coordination of mass-murderous right-wing state terror across Central America under Ronald Reagan [14], told the Post that the Obama administration's disinclination to fully acknowledge the reality of recent events "appeared to reflect reluctance to see Zelaya returned unconditionally to power."[15]

Would the U.S. work seriously for Zelaya's return? Obama's Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said, "We haven't laid out any demands that we're insisting on, because we're working with others on behalf of our ultimate objectives."[16] Clinton refused to say whether the declared U.S. goal of "restoring the constitutional order" meant returning Zelaya to power. Her spokesperson Ian Kelly acknowledged on June 29th (one day after the coup) appeared to be holding back from calling the coup a coup because of White House hopes for some sort of "negotiated solution," [17] which could only have meant the possible return of Zelaya on more U.S. friendly terms.

The White House's tepid condemnation and measured rhetoric stood in sharp contrast to most Latin American nations' and the European Union's quick and sharp call for Zelaya's rapid and unconditional return to power, raising what economist and Latin America expert Mark Weisbrot called "suspicions about what the U.S. government is really trying to accomplish in this situation."[18]

Yesterday the Honduran government denied Zelaya's plane the right to land at the airport in Honduras' capital and killed at least two protestors calling for the restoration of democracy. In the wake of these events, Washington applauded as "positive" the coup's government's apparent willingness to "offer some sort of dialogue"[19] with the Organization of American States. As it turns out, however, the coup's foreign minister says this has proclaimed that Zelaya's return is "not negotiable."[20] According to the liberal-left journalist Al Giardano, "this situation has evolved beyond the capacity of diplomacy to solve it. Calling for ‘dialogue' - although it's what diplomats do, including in their sleep - isn't going to shake anything loose from [the coup leaders]. It is time for State to move aside and bring on the officials with the badges....The hour has now arrived for Washington to classify Honduras as a ‘military coup,' triggering the cut-off of aid to a country whose budget is 65 percent dependent on foreign assistance." [21]

Perhaps that will occur tomorrow or the day after - quite tardily from my perspective. Perhaps not. Either way, the veteran left U.S. foreign policy critic William Blum is right: "the response to the coup from the Obama administration can be described with adjectives such as lukewarm, proper but belated, and mixed." [23] It's certainly nothing for "liberal"-progressive types to write home to their leftist grandmas about - that's for sure. With just a tiny portion of the military and political force it pours into sustaining illegal invasions and occupations (Iraq, Afghanistan, and Palestine) and dictatorships in oil-rich Southwest Asia, the Obama administration could (in line with majority Latin American and global opinion) have quickly and "unambiguously" restored the democratically elected president to power in Honduras. It seems likely that the White House is working to bring Zelaya back on a conditional basis (on the model of the Clinton administration's re-installation of Jean Bertrand Aristide in 1994)[22], returning him to power on more disciplined, U.S.-friendly terms. But, as Weisbrot notes, any effort to "extract concessions from Zelaya as part of a deal for his return to office" violate the essence of "how democracy works. If Zelaya wants to negotiate a settlement with his political opponent after he returns, that is another story. But nobody has the right to extract political concessions from him in exile, over the barrel of a gun."[24]

How Much Better Than Bush-Cheney 2002?

Insofar as there is anything "progressive" about the Obama administration's willingness to condemn the Honduran coup, much of the credit should go to popular forces and left political developments in Latin America. The southern half of the hemisphere (home to left governments now in Ecuador, Bolivia, Brazil, Venezuela, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Argentina, and Chile has moved in a left-progressive direction since the failed coup against Chavez. The Obama operatives, smarter on the whole than the Bush team, certainly know very well that the balance of political forces and opinion has shifted in ways that would make it counter-productive to be seen as allied with a transparently criminal coup in Central America. They know they have bigger fish to fry in the oil-rich Middle East. At the same time, the Bush administration actually abandoned the anti-Chavez coup fairly quickly, once it saw the handwriting on the wall. As Weisbrot notes:

"Many press reports have contrasted the Obama administration's rejection of the Honduran coup with the Bush administration's initial support for the 2002 military coup that briefly overthrew President Hugo Chavez in Venezuela. But actually there are more similarities than differences between the U.S. responses to these two events. Within a day, the Bush administration reversed its official position on the Venezuelan coup, because the rest of the hemisphere had announced that it would not recognize the coup government. Similarly, in this case, the Obama administration is following the rest of the hemisphere, trying not to be the odd man out but at the same time not really sharing their commitment to democracy"

"Washington Says it Tried Its Best"

Last but not least, there are some disturbing, yet-to-be answered questions about the Obama administration's role leading up to the coup. As Scahill noted one day after Zelaya's removal:

"It is impossible to imagine that the US was not aware that the coup was in the works. In fact, this was basically confirmed by The New York Times...While the US has issued heavily-qualified statements critical of the coup—in the aftermath of the events in Honduras—the US could have flexed its tremendous economic muscle before the coup and told the military coup plotters to stand down. The US ties to the Honduran military and political establishment run far too deep for all of this to have gone down without at least tacit support or the turning of a blind eye by some US political or military official(s)."

"Here are some facts to consider: the US is the top trading partner for Honduras. The coup plotters/supporters in the Honduran Congress are supporters of the ‘free trade agreements' Washington has imposed on the region. The coup leaders view their actions, in part, as a rejection of Hugo Chavez's influence in Honduras and with Zelaya and an embrace of the United States and Washington's ‘vision' for the region. Obama and the US military could likely have halted this coup with a simple series of phone calls." [25]

According to Blum in the latest edition of his always instructive Anti-Empire Report:

"The United States, by its own admission, was fully aware for weeks of the Honduran military's plan to overthrow Zelaya. Washington says it tried its best to change the mind of the plotters. It's difficult to believe that this proved impossible. During the Cold War it was said, with much justification, that the United States could discourage a coup in Latin America with ‘a frown.' The Honduran and American military establishments have long been on very fraternal terms. And it must be asked: In what way and to what extent did the United States warn Zelaya of the impending coup? And what protection did it offer him? It is not unthinkable that the United States gave the military plotters the go-ahead, telling them to keep the traditional "golpe" bloodiness to a minimum. Zelaya was elected to office as the candidate of a conservative party; he then, surprisingly, moved to the left and became a strong critic of a number of Washington policies, and an ally of Hugo Chavez of Venezuela and Evo Morales of Bolivia, both of whom the Bush administration tried to overthrow and assassinate."[26]

The administration can claim that it tried to "discourage" the coup in advance through conversations with top Honduran military officials. But, as Weisbrot notes, "It would be interesting to know what these discussions were like. Did administration officials say, ‘You know that we will have to say that we are against such a move if you do it, because every one else will?' Or was it more like, ‘Don't do it, because we will do everything in our power to reverse any such coup?'" As Weisbrot correctly observes, "The administration's actions since the coup indicate something more like the former, if not worse." [27]

"Rather Than Conform to America's Rules"

Obama recently told a Chilean reporter that the U.S. cannot apologize for its critical role in the September 11, 1973 coup that overthrew Chile's then elected president Salvador Allende and ushered in the bloody rule of the neo-fascist dictator Augusto Pinochet. This, Obama explained, is because the U.S. is "an enormous force for good in the world," one that prefers to "look forward," not "backwards" (sound familiar?). Obama's lukewarm response to the Honduran coup of June 28 - ???? 2009 may fall short of what one might expect from such an "enormous force," but it fits rather nicely the imperial mindset articulated in his deeply conservative 2006 campaign book The Audacity of Hope:

"Of course there are those who would argue with my starting premise - that any global system built in America's image can alleviate misery in poorer countries...Rather than conform to America's rules, the argument goes, other countries should resist America's efforts to expand its hegemony; instead, they should follow their own path to development, taking their lead from left-leaning populists like Venezuela's Hugo Chavez, or turning to more traditional principles of social organization, like Islamic law...I believe [Chavez and other] critics [of the U.S. and neoliberalism] are wrong...The system of free markets and liberal democracy... offer[s] people around the world their best chance at a better life" [28]

If I might step outside immediate events for a moment, it's worth noting that neoliberal global capitalism has offered no such thing, especially to Latin Americans. [29]Candidate Obama's reflections ended on a profoundly false judgment, properly rejected by "Mel" Zelaya, who came into office in early 2006 as a center-right politician but who subsequently moved left and shifted his desperately impoverished and U.S.-controlled nation into Hugo Chavez's socialist "Bolivarian Alternative for the America's" (ALBA).[30]


Paul Street is the author of many essays, speeches, chapters, reviews, and books, including (most recently) Racial Oppression in the Global Metropolis (Rowman & Littlefield, 2007) and Barack Obama and the Future of American Politics (order the latter at http://www.paradigmpublishers.com/books/BookDetail.aspx?productID=186987).

NOTES

1 George Ciccareillo-Maher, George Ciccariello-Maher, "The Counter-Revolution Will Not be Tweeteed," (July 5, 2009), read at http://www.counterpunch.org/maher07032009.html.Ciccareillo-Maher quotes the intelligent but occasionally abusive Al Giardano, "America Held Hostage: Day Two of the Coup in Honduras," The Narcosphere (June 29, 2009), read at http://narcosphere.narconews.com/thefield/am%C3%A9rica-held-hostage-day-two-coup-honduras.

2 Noam Chomsky, "Crisis and Hope: Theirs and Ours," Speech to the Riverside Church, New York City (June 12, 2009), transcript available at www.democracynow.org/2009/7/3/noam_chomsky_on _crisis_and_hope; Alissa Rubin, "U.S. Moves Ahead With Vote on Security Pact," New York Times, June 10, 2009. As Chomsky noted, "the current U.S. efforts to prevent the legally required referendum are extremely revealing. Sometimes they're called ‘democracy promotion.'"

3 Jeremy Scahill and Anthony Arnove, "Rebranding War and Occupation," Socialist Worker (June 19, 2009).

4 Jeremy Scahill, "Barack Obama and U.S. Foreign Policy," speech at "Socialism 2009," annual conference of the International Socialist Organization (ISO), June 19, 2009, Chicago, Illinois.

5 Simon Johnson, "The Quiet Coup," The Atlantic (May 2009), read online at http://www.theatlantic.com/doc/200905/imf-advice.

6 Chomsky, "Crisis and Hope."

7 William Greider, "Obama told Us to Speak Out, But Is He Listening?" Washington Post, March 22, 2009.

8 Fay Fiore and Mark Barabak, "AUDACITY AND AMBITION: Obama Begins Leading America in a New Direction," Los Angeles Times, April 19, 2009.

9 Albert Vallente Thoreson, "Why Zelaya's Actions Were Legal," CounterPunch (July 1, 2009), read at http://www.counterpunch.org/thorensen07012009.html; Mark Weisbrot, "Does the U.S. Back the Honduran Coup?" The Guardian (UK), July 1, 2009.

10 Evan Gollnger, "Obama's First Coup d'Etat: Honduran President Has Been Kidnapped," Venezuelanalaysis (June 29, 2009), read at http://www.venezuelanalysis.com/analysis/4554; Nicholas Kozloff, "The Coup in Honduras: Obama's Real Message to Latin America?" CounterPunch (June 29, 2009), read at http://www.counterpunch.org/kozloff06292009.html.

11 Mary Beth Sheridan, "U.S. Condemns Honduran Coup: Still, Administration Steps Lightly," Washington Post, June 30, 2009, read at http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/06/29/AR2009062904239.html.

12 Roberto Lovato, "Obama Has the Power and Responsibility to Restore Democracy in Honduras," Huffington Post (June 29, 2009), read at http://www.huffingtonpost.com/roberto-lovato/obama-has-the-power-and-r_b_222170.html.

13 FOX News, "Obama Calls for Order," FOX News (June 28, 2009), read at http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2009/06/28/obama-calls-order-military-arrests-honduran-president/; Scahill, "A Few Thoughts;" Greg Grandin, "Democracy Derailed in Honduras," The Nation (June 30, 2009), read at http://www.thenation.com/doc/20090713/grandin/single; Reuters, "U.S. Could Cut Off Aid to Honduras After Coup," AlterNet (June 29, 2009), read at http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/N29384895.htm.

14 Noam Chomsky, "John Negroponte: From Central America to Iraq" (July 28, 2004), pp. 89-92 in Chomsky, Interventions.

15 Sheridan, "U.S. Condemns Honduran Coup: Still, Administration Steps Lightly."

16 Quoted in Sheridan, "U.S. Condemns Honduran Coup."

17 http://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/dpb/2009/125481.htm

18 Weisbrot, "Does the U.S. Back the Honduran Coup?"

19 Jose De Cordoba and David Luhnow, "Honduras Standoff Heats Up," The Wall Street Journal, July 6, 2009, p.A6.

20 Al Giardano, "Honduras Coup's Preconditions Leave Nothing to Negotiate," The Narcosphere (July 6, 2009), read at http://narcosphere.narconews.com/thefield/honduras-coups-preconditions-leave-nothing-negotiate#comments.

21 Giardano, "Honduras Coup's Preconditions"

22 William Blum, Rogue State: A Guide to the World's Only Superpower (Monroe, ME: Common Courage, 2005), pp. 202-03.

23 William Blum, The Anti-Empire Report (July 3, 2009), read at http://killinghope.org/bblum6/aer71.html

24 Weisbrot, "Does the U.S. Back the Honduran Coup?"

25 Jeremy Scahill, "A Few Thoughts on the Coup in Honduras," Common Dreams (June 30, 2009), read at http://www.commondreams.org/view/2009/06/29-11.

26 Blum, Anti-Empire Report.

27 Weisbrot, "Does the U.S. Back the Honduran Coup?"

28 Obama, The Audacity of Hope (New York, 2006), p. 315.

29 Mark Weisbrot, "The Mirage of Progress," American Prospect (January 1, 2002), read at http://www.prospect.org/cs/articlesarticle=the_mirage_of_progress; Mark Weisbrot, "Globalization Fails to Deliver the Goods," Common Dreams (August 29, 2002), read at http://www.commondreams.org/views02/0829-05.htm

30 Kozloff, "The Coup in Honduras;" Grandin, "Democracy Derailed."

Day 10: President Zelaya In Washington To Meet With OAS And Secretary Of State Clinton At 1pm Today

By Eva Golinger, Postcards from the Revolution, July 7, 2009

President Manuel Zelaya arrived early this morning to Washington, D.C., to participate in several meetings with the Organization of American States (OAS) and the U.S. Department of State. The Honduran president, ousted in a military coup on Sunday, June 28, has a scheduled meeting at 1PM (EDT) with Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. It is unclear what exactly is expected of this meeting. Most likely President Zelaya will request the US Government cease ALL military and economic aid to Honduras until the coup government steps down. However, it is unlikely that Washington will comply with this request in its entirety. The Department of State has already been clear that it is not subject to suspending any aid directed toward "democracy promotion", which includes a large part of the $49 million it is investing this year in Honduras through USAID. There have also been no moves to remove the US military presence from Honduras, which probably won't happen either, since the Pentagon undoubtedly wants to maintain the presence, and also shares very close ties with the Honduran military involved in the coup against President Zelaya.

Today, a group of representatives from the coup government have also arrived in Washington, and have a scheduled press conference at 3pm at the National Press Club in Washington DC. Their visit has been organized by Republican Senator John McCain, who is also the chairman of the International Republican Institute, heavily implicated in the Honduran coup (see my blog entry). A lobbying firm with close ties to McCain, the Cormac Group, has organized the coup representatives' press conference this afternoon. John W. Timmons, founding partner of the Cormac Group, was legislative counsel to Senator McCain and directed his legislative agenda, principally in the area of commerce. Cormac Group also represents the neo-fascist, anti-castro Cuban mafia company, Barcardi USA.

Yesterday, President Obama mentioned the situation in Honduras in a speech he gave before the New Economic School in Moscow. He stated the following: "Even as we meet here today, America supports now the restoration of the democratically-elected President of Honduras, even though he has strongly opposed American policies. We do so not because we agree with him. We do so because we respect the universal principle that people should choose their own leaders, whether they are leaders we agree with or not."

Well, glad that's cleared up. Obama, et al, don't like President Zelaya, but he was elected by his people, so....

Day 9: President Zelaya In Nicaragua, Heading To Washington Tomorrow

By Eva Golinger, Postcards from the Revolution, July 6, 2009

President Zelaya arrived back in Nicaragua today. He is expected to fly to Washington tomorrow and meet with the Organization of American States (OAS) again, as well as participate in a meeting with "high level" State Department officials. Yesterday, Zelaya had stated he was meeting with the State Department today, Monday, and news sources confirmed this meeting would be with Secretary Clinton. However, today, the State Department spokesperson, Ian Kelly, only affirmed that President Zelaya was expected back in Washington on Tuesday, and plans were underway to organize a meeting with "high level" State Department officials. It is unclear at this point if that means the Secretary of State or those under her command.

Today the coup de facto government in Honduras sent a delegation of representatives to Washington to apparently engage in talks with the OAS, to discuss reestablishing relations. Yesterday, coup de facto leader Roberto Micheletti was pretty clear about refusing to negotiate the return of President Zelaya, and today, that was confirmed by Micheletti's "foreign minister", who said that everything was negotiable "except Zelaya's return to Honduras".

The US government is allowing this commission of coup representatives, involved in high crimes of treason, violation of human rights, kidnapping of a head of state, forced exile and murder, to travel into the country, apparently with US visas. Why? The US uses visa policy to exclude foreigners all the time for ideological reasons and many other reasons. So why are they allowing criminals to come visit Washington?

Protesters against the coup and in favor of President Zelaya's immediate unconditional return are still in the streets in Honduras. However, they are subject to a very strict curfew that begins at 6:30pm and ends at 6am, so movement is very difficult.

Honduras coup leaders shut main airport

Move aimed at preventing ousted leader Manuel Zelaya from returning following previous military blockade on runway
By Rory Carroll, guardian.co.uk, July 6, 2009

Coup leaders in Honduras shut the country's main airport today to block President Manuel Zelaya making another attempted return a day after military vehicles prevented his jet from landing.

The interim government, increasingly isolated and beleaguered, banned all flights for 24 hours to try to keep the exiled leader out and to dampen fresh protests by his supporters.

Zelaya promised yesterday to make another attempted return from neighbouring El Salvador today or tomorrow but US officials suggested he may instead fly to Washington for talks with the Obama administration and Latin American diplomats.

The Honduran capital, Tegucigalpa, remained tense. Zelaya's supporters promised to mobilise fresh demonstrations despite bloody clashes with security forces yesterday. Soldiers opened fire on a crowd marching towards the airport, killing at least two, the first fatalities in the eight-day-old crisis.

Hospitals admitted many more people with gunshot wounds and staff told reporters there was an increasing number of victims shot by the military during the nightly curfew.

Zelaya, speaking at a news conference in El Salvador, appealed to the army to avoid further casualties. "I call on the armed forces of Honduras to lower their rifles."

The leftist leader was flanked by the presidents of El Salvador, Argentina, Paraguay and Ecuador and the secretary-general of the Organisation of American States (OAS), Jose Miguel Insulza. "I am risking myself personally to resolve the problems without violence."

He urged the United Nations, the OAS and European Union to "do something with this repressive regime".

The interim government, which took power on 28 June after soldiers seized Zelaya in his pyjamas and bundled him into exile, slightly softened its position and said it wanted to negotiate with the OAS. But it ruled out Zelaya's return to power. "We will be here until the country calms down," said the interim president, Roberto Micheletti. "We are the authentic representatives of the people."

The coup was supported by those Hondurans who feared Zelaya's leftist agenda and alliance with Venezuela's president Hugo Chávez. But the new government has been denounced internationally. The OAS suspended Honduras, the World Bank froze lending, the EU recalled its ambassadors and the US cut diplomatic and military contacts.

The impoverished coffee-exporter of 7 million people has become dangerously polarised between the poor and working class, who tend to support Zelaya for his social programmes, and the middle class and institutions such as congress, the Catholic church and the military who consider him a dangerous radical who wanted to perpetuate himself in power.

From a clandestine location, Rodolfo Pastor Fasquel, who was culture minister in the ousted government, told the BBC that Honduras risked sliding into civil war.

"It is a terrible situation, a dangerous impasse. In the 1970s we had groups of guerrillas but they were always isolated, the country never felt in danger of civil war. Today there is the risk because both sides have a wide social base, they are completely polarised and they have weapons and resources."

The interim government said if Zelaya did manage to return he would be arrested for 18 alleged criminal acts including treason and corruption.

The OAS suspension will complicate Honduras' access to multilateral loans but so far its economy, heavily dependent on coffee exports, aid and remittances, has not suffered trade sanctions.

The interim government said it was prepared to hunker down until November when a presidential election would select a new leader - under the constitution Zelaya cannot run for a second term - and supposedly end the crisis.

Zelaya Confirms Meeting Today In Washington With Secretary Of State Hillary Clinton

Day 8: Update 10PM: Zelaya Arrives To El Salvador; Confirms Meeting Tomorrow In Washington With Secretary Of State Hillary Clinton
By Eva Golinger, Postcards from the Revolution, July 5, 2009

President Zelaya has arrived safely to San Salvador, reuniting with the heads of state from Argentina, Ecuador and Paraguay, and OAS Secretary General Jose Miguel Insulza. They are expected to meet tonight and discuss alternatives to President Zelaya's return to Honduras, after his first attempt was thwarted by the coup forces that impeded his landing in the Tegucigalpa airport by placing army vehicles and personnel on the runway.

A confirmed meeting is taking place tomorrow in Washington, D.C., between President Zelaya and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. Zelaya is expected to fly early tomorrow to the US capital. Clinton will most likely seek to negotiate some kind of agreement between the coup forces and President Zelaya in order to ensure his safe return and reinstate constitutional order.

Nevertheless, there are many concerns that Washington is looking to support its allies in Honduras, primarily those in the business and military sector who have been heavily involved in this coup, while trying to "save face" and project a "positive" non-interventionist image of Obama in Latin America. However, many question the late response by the Obama administration to the military coup, now a week in the making, and the outright lack of condemnation by Obama and Clinton regarding human rights violations committed by the coup government and repression of press freedoms. No comment has been made by Washington regarding the forced national curfew imposed by the coup government, which is now from 6pm through 6am, the suspension of constitutional rights, the censoring of media outlets not favorable to the coup, the detaining and persecution of journalists and members of Zelaya's cabinet and family, and the dead and wounded at the hands of the coup military forces. There are also questions regarding Washington's ambiguity to the coup, refusing to initially classify the events as a coup d'etat under US law, which would require immediate suspension of economic and military aid to Honduras.

No deal should be cut with the coup forces in Honduras, and by no means should Zelaya or the people of Honduras permit "early elections", which is one of the "ways out" that Clinton may push for tomorrow.

***************
From SOA Watch:

It remains vital that people in the U.S. keep maximum pressure on Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and on President Barack Obama urge them to take action for the unconditional reinstatement of Honduran President Zelaya.

Call Hillary Clinton's office at 202-647-5548.
Call the White House at 202-456-1111

Click here to send a message to the State Department and to President Obama.

And click here to send message to media, UN, etc.

Near Convergence Point: Marchers, President, Armed Forces Move toward Airport

By Laura Carlsen, Americas MexicoBlog, July 5, 2009

Three lines of force move to converge at the Toncontin International Airport in Tegucigalpa, Honduras.

One force--police and military units at the service of the coup--is charged with preventing the other two--a President and the people who support him--from connecting in a powerful circuit to reinstate the President. The march is now blocked by police contingents in a face-off at the entrance to the airport. Neither side will disperse.

As these two forces converge on land, the third is airborn and approaching the Caribbean. Telesur reports that at 3:00 p.m. a plane carrying President Zelaya, UN president Miguel D'Escoto, Honduran OAS Ambassador Carlos Sosa, the Foreign Minister, security personnel and members of the international press. In a Telesur interview from the airplane, Zelaya said he expected an atmosphere of joy on being reunited with his people. As Commander in Chief, he called on the armed forces to obey orders and stated his intention to begin a process of national reconciliation.

Meanwhile, at the airport, military and police forces have taken position to prevent demonstators' access to the airport. Various media report that helicopters overfly the zone, a barricade has been formed of soldiers and police, and snipers are positioned on the rooftops.

Commercial flights have been canceled as the drama unfolds. The coup leader dubbed foreign minister, Enrique Ortez, has announced that the plane will not be permitted to land. The coup has issued an arrest order against President Zelaya on 18 charges.

Coup leaders held a press conference at 4:15 eastern time denouncing troop movements on the Nicaragua side of the border and saying that Venezuela is attacking them in the media. The coup stated that it is willing to appoint a delegation for dialogue with the OAS and reasserted that Micheletti is the only president. Members called for Nicaragua and Venezuela "to stop distorting the peace in this region". It has not offered specific evidence of intervention or made concrete accusations. When asked if Nicaragua was preparing an invasion, Micheletti replied that "It is a psychological invasion."

Members of the coup directive also criticized the OAS decision to suspend Honduras and reiterated that the de facto government is legitimate despite the lack of recognition of the OAS.

Outside, the march of tens of thousands of people shouting "We Want Mel!" has up to now been peaceful and non-violent, following the instructions of President Zelaya. They are demonstrating a high level of organization and self-discipline, and have decided to move forward one step at a time. It appears that the police are backing up. Radio Globo interviewed representatives of the Taxi Drivers Association prepared to back up the march and receive the president and reports that the marchers have appointed people to watch for provocateurs and defuse any actions to provoke violence.

Nicaragua warned yesterday that it had news that the coup would attempt to provoke a violent response to discredit the marchers, as well as launching a media campaign to blame Nicaragua, Cuba and Venezuela for the confrontation.

For now, a tense calm prevails as marchers gain ground from a police seemingly unwilling to relaunch all-out repression of the crowd. In the morning, Radio Globo reporter Gustavo Ramos reported murmurs from within the ranks of both the police and the military that given the size of the crowd some units will not confront the marchers.

The atmosphere is heating up notably, despite the over three hours left until the president´s scheduled arrival. Diplomatic efforts failed to avoid this moment, and yet diplomacy continues to play a major role in pushing for a peaceful outcome. The presence of D'Escoto and other international figures on the plane raise the international political cost for the coup of violently intervening to stop the plane. The eyes of the world continue on the small nation.

President Rafael Correa of Ecuador, Cristina Kirchner of Argentina and Fernando Lugo of Paraguay and the Secretary General of the Organization of American States (OAS) José Insulza--originally thought to accompany the Honduran president--are flying on a separate flight to El Salvador to back up Zelaya's return.

The OAS unanimously resolved to suspend Honduras from the organization yesterday.

It's always possible that the point of convergence could shift at the last minute. When asked about alternative landing plans, Zelaya responded elusively, "We have many options for ariving in our country and we have many mechanisms for doing it and for communicating with the people on the ground to receive us."

*******************
Statement of Pres. Zelaya on his Return Tomorrow, Calls for Non-Violent Demonstrations
Here is the translation to English of the Statement of President Manuel Zelaya, issued July 4:

Compañeros and compañeras, fellow Hondurans, your president, Manuel Zelaya Rosales, speaks to you. I want to tell you that my destiny is tied to the destiny of the Honduran people. On the morning of June 28, while I was preparing to exercise my vote in a nationwide survey, I was the victim of assaults, abuses, violations and kidnapping, I was taken captive and expelled from my country by Honduran military forces. By these military forces that today have put themselves in the service of and in complicity with the voracious elite that squeezes and asphyxiates our people, obeying their orders and not defending our nation or our democracy. This is a blow to the Honduran nation and has made clear to the world that in Honduras there is still a kind of barbarity, and people who are unaware of the harm they cause to our country and to future generations.

Through these means of communication, I call for you to continue the participation of the people. The people are the principle actors of our democracy and of the solutions that must be found to the grave problems of poverty and inequality in our country.

As Hondurans, we have faced major problems and we have always know how to come together to move forward, and this is a huge opportunity to show the world that Hondurans are capable of confronting these problems in spite of the attacks by a criminal sector that today seeks to appropriate the fate of our nation and of our children.

I speak to the coup leaders, traitors, Judases that kissed me on the cheek to then carry out this major strike against our country and democracy: You must rectify your actions as soon as possible. You are surrounded, the world has isolated you, all the nations of the world have condemned you, without exception. There is general repudiation of your actions, your actions will not be ignored because international tribunals will hold you accountable for the genocide you are carrying out in our country by repressing basic freedoms and by repressing our people.

I am organizing my return to Honduras and I ask all campesinos, housewives, city-dwellers, indigenous peoples, youth and all the groups of workers, businesspeople and politicians that I have throughout the nation--mayors, legislators--that you accompany me on my return to Honduras. This is the return of the elected president, elected by the sovereign will of the people, which is the only form of electing presidents in Honduras. Let us not lose our rights and not permit that certain individuals begin to make decisions that should be made by the Honduran people, through their legitimacy and their popular will.

I am willing to make any effort and sacrifice to obtain the freedom that our country needs. We will either be free or we will be permanent slaves unless we have the courage to defend ourselves. Do not take arms, practice what I have always taught-- non-violence. Let them be the ones who bring violence, arms and repression. Make the coup responsible for every life of every person, for the physical integrity and dignity of the Honduran people.

We are going to arrive in the International Airport of Honduras in Tegucigalpa with several presidents and members of the international community. On Sunday we will be in Tegucigalpa, we will be accompanying you and embracing you to defend what we have always defended, which is the will of God through the will of the people.

Greetings fellow countrymen and women, may God protect you and bless you all.

***********************
High Noon in Honduras
By Laura Carlsen, Americas MexicoBlog, July 4, 2009

Both sides are preparing for high noon in Honduras this weekend, as President Manuel Zelaya plans to return to his country and coup leaders vow to arrest him immediately if he does.

Zelaya was abducted by hooded members of the armed forces on June 28 and flown to Costa Rica. The coup established itself in power, anointed by a National Congress at odds with the president.

Since then, the drama moved from this small, impoverished country to the international stage. Zelaya traveled to Managua to attend a meeting of the Central American Integration System, where he picked up formal statements of support from Central American nations, the Bolivarian Alliance (ALBA), the Group of Rio, and the whole alphabet soup of integration groups in the region.

From there, the newly famous president flew to New York for an appearance before the General Assembly of the United Nations, which also called for his immediate reinstatement. Zelaya met again with the Organization of American States (OAS) on July 1, which issued an ultimatum to the coup leaders to restore him to power in 72 hours or face suspension from the 34-nation bloc.

Zelaya had planned a return to his country for July 2, but postponed his return to allow the period to pass as international diplomacy went into overdrive. "The OAS has called for 72 hours and we agree with this decision," Zelaya stated. That places his return date for this weekend. Zelaya has refused to give details on the exact date or how he will return, saying he does not want to tip off armed forces leading the coup.

Meanwhile, self-styled "president" Roberto Micheletti has stated to the press that Zelaya "will never return" and refused to negotiate reinstatement. The coup issued arrest orders against Zelaya on 18 charges that include betrayal of the country and failure to fulfill his duties.

The Honduran crisis came to a head over a nationwide non-binding referendum called by President Zelaya to determine if citizens should vote in November elections on calling a Constitutional Assembly to remake the country's magna carta. The courts and the Congress ruled the poll illegal and when the president proceeded to carry out the vote, the armed forces moved in to take control.

All Sides Dig In

Supporters of the coup, opposition forces and the international community have all been busily working to consolidate their ranks over the past few days. On July 2, social organizations of workers, farmers, and citizens held a massive march through Tegucigalpa, where they delivered a message of gratitude for support for democracy at the offices of the United Nations.

Henry Alegria, interviewed by phone amid shouting demonstrators, affirmed that despite arrest orders, movement leaders are still safe and the ranks of the opposition are growing. Although the army has blocked pro-Zelaya groups from traveling to the capital in some places, so far there has been little bloodshed. Alegria noted, "They are using other kinds of tactics, like the curfew and accusing anti-coup leaders of crimes."

The coup declared a "state of exception," the equivalent to a state of siege, on July 1, suspending basic civil liberties including freedom of assembly, freedom of transit, due process, and justifying search and seizure without a warrant. The press has been placed under tight controls, with some media—including international media—shut down completely at times.

Honduran human rights leader, Bertha Oliva, stated, "With the suspension of these articles, they officially make us all vulnerable and justify their actions against basic human rights." Oliva called for urgent support from the international community.

Coup supporters have also rallied forces to protest the return of Zelaya and press for recognition of the coup government. They have held parallel rallies in Tegucigalpa, claiming that Venezuelan president Hugo Chavez is the force behind Zelaya, and asserting that the international community's position is due to ignorance of the situation.

Video images of the dueling demonstrations show the sharp split in the country. Honduras is the 16th most unequal nation in the world, with the top 10% of the population receiving 42% of income and the bottom 10% controlling only 1.2%. This situation feeds a steady stream of migrants to the United States, and many families now live off money sent home from relatives working there.

Zelaya draws his support among the poor primarily. Elected as a center-right politician from a wealthy ranching family, Zelaya moved to the left over the course of his four-year term. He especially galled business leaders by raising the minimum wage last December from $157 to $289 dollars a month, except in free trade zones. The UN notes that 44% of the population lives on less than two dollars a day. Unions and campesino organizations belonging to Via Campesina stand strongly behind the president.

On the other side are business leaders, media owners, and politicians. These forces claim that the return of Zelaya with the help of the international community would constitute an unacceptable "foreign invasion," and that the president was aiming to extend the term limit through the poll planned for the 28th.

The armed forces have played a powerful but discreet role since overthrowing the government. As in any military coup, their actions will largely define how events play out. So far, the top officers have formed a tight command with the civilian coup leaders. When Michelletti appeared before a pro-coup crowd, uniformed military officers stood firmly but silently in the background.

Via Campesina leader in Honduras, Rafael Alegria, said in an interview with the Americas Program that the army has blocked protesters from traveling to Tegucigalpa and other points. He added that the military could be preparing for war. "They are recruiting young people, ages 12-30, for military service. We don't know what the purpose is, but they are inciting people saying there could be a war. They are also calling out reservists and persons retired from the armed forces."

Intense Diplomatic Activity

The military coup in Honduras has all the sinister markings of the Cold War overthrows by dictators that characterized Latin America in the past. The president was kidnapped in the wee hours of the morning, wearing only his pajamas, and army forces occupied the streets of the small, impoverished nation.

But the world has changed since those times. The international community united across ideological lines in its condemnation, with the United States government joining the call for reinstatement of the left-leaning president.

President Obama called it a "terrible precedent" and the State Department has worked within the OAS to pressure the coup to back down and restore the rule of law.

The postponement of Zelaya's return offers yet another possible diplomatic solution to what could turn into a violent confrontation. The OAS text condemned the coup, recognized Zelaya as the president, and called for the Secretary General to seek diplomatic solutions. Its resolution states, "Should these prove unsuccessful within 72 hours, the Special General Assembly shall forthwith invoke Article 21 of the Inter-American Democratic Charter to suspend Honduras' membership."

The UN resolution deplores the interruption of "the democratic and constitutional order and the legitimate exercise of power in Honduras." The text demands "the immediate and unconditional restoration of the legitimate and Constitutional Government of the President of the Republic, Mr. José Manuel Zelaya Rosales, and of the legally established authority in Honduras."

International response has also included diplomatic and economic sanctions. The European Union and virtually all Latin American countries are withdrawing their ambassadors immediately.

Central American countries closed their borders to land trade with Honduras for 48 hours and the Central American Bank has suspended loans. Robert Zoellick, head of the World Bank, announced that the Bank will "pause" lending to Honduras under the coup. The Bank had a reported $270 million in the pipeline to Honduras and is a major source of lending for the country.

U.S. Response

The Obama administration has firmly supported OAS efforts to condemn the coup and reinstate Zelaya. The coup is the first real diplomatic crisis to confront the new administration, and although Honduras is a small (7.3 million pop.) and economically weak country that plays a very minor role in U.S. geopolitical strategy, the issues at stake make it a test case for a new foreign policy.

The response from Obama, and a generally on-message State Department, has already shown some major shifts from the foreign policy of his predecessor.

First, the administration broke with the ideologically defined criteria of democracy established by the Bush government. Zelaya's ties with Venezuela—its membership in the nine-nation ALBA—made it suspect to the Bush administration and many members still part of the U.S. diplomatic corps. By condemning the coup against Zelaya, the administration placed democratic principles above the ideological split created by the Bush administration between Latin American nations bound to alliances.

Second, the United States government has committed to working within multilateral organizations, especially the OAS, to resolve the crisis. Since before the abduction of the president, when rumors of a coup circulated and Honduran armed forces were deployed, the United States joined with other countries of the hemisphere to prevent the coup and later condemn it. Since then, it has allowed the OAS under Sec. General Jose Insulza to take the lead.

As the OAS deadline approaches, the U.S. government could do more. Among the following measures some are subject to delicate considerations of timing, since Honduras faces a very volatile situation in the next few days and avoiding massive violence and even war must be a top priority in arranging Zelaya's return.

The United States government should withdraw its ambassador from Tegucigalpa immediately. In Honduras today, there is no valid counterpart with which to engage in diplomatic dialogue. Latin American and European nations have already withdrawn their ambassadors. The continued presence of the U.S. ambassador could create a doubt about whether the United States is truly committed to isolating the Honduran coup diplomatically. With all eyes on the United States, that doubt could be interpreted as a crack in the door at a time when it is important to leave the coup no room to believe it can consolidate its illegitimate power.

The message must be crystal clear: There is no possibility of diplomatic engagement with a military coup.

The United States must support immediate suspension of Honduras from the OAS at the end of the 72-hour period if the coup is still in power. There have been some reports that a debate exists in the OAS over whether the suspension is automatic at the end of the deadline or requires a new meeting. The U.S. representatives in the OAS should support immediate suspension of Honduras if this period runs out with the coup still in power. Any waffling on a key diplomatic ultimatum would be a sign of weakness that could be interpreted as a lack of commitment to the rule of law in Honduras. It would also indicate a fracture in the OAS, which to date has acted swiftly and in a remarkably unified manner.

The United States must apply economic sanctions. Under Section 7008 of the Foreign Operations Bill, all U.S. assistance must be cut off in the case of a military coup. While Sec. of State Clinton has called the Honduran coup a coup, the State Department says it is reviewing the legal definition before sending word to Congress to cut aid. At stake is up to $42 million in aid planned for the Central American country.

This is one that seems to be a question of timing. Some argue that the sanctions should be announced before the deadline runs out to pressure the coup to allow the safe return of President Zelaya to office. Others argue that by holding the sanctions card until later, the international community has more to bargain with in the case on non-compliance with the deadline.

In any case, the law is clear that sanctions must be applied.

The United States should do all in its power to assure the safe and peaceful return of the democratically elected president, Manuel Zelaya. Presumably, this is being done. There is no room for negotiation that does not include restoring Zelaya to power unconditionally. The logistics of safely getting him home will be complicated and require the creativity and commitment of all nations, especially the United States.

The United States must speak up for the protection of human rights and civil liberties. The State Department has been relatively silent on the state of siege, army repression of demonstrators, and threats against grassroots movement leaders in the country. It must speak out more strongly to protect these people and warn the coup against the further criminalization and repression of the opposition.


For More Information:

Honduran Rural Leader Rafael Alegria: "Some Battalions Are Refusing to Repress the Population"

Text of UN Resolution and Call for International Support from Popular Resistance Front of Honduras

Zelaya Postpones Return, Mass Mobilization in the Country

Day 8: Coup Government Shuts Down All Airports In Honduras To Impede President

By Eva Golinger, Postcards from the Revolution, July 5, 2009

The de facto coup government in place in Honduras since last Sunday's coup d'etat has militarized the international airport outside the capital city of Tegucigalpa and shut down all other airports in the country. Letters were received by the Embassies of Argentina, Paraguay and Ecuador from the coup government, denying authorization for airplanes to land in Honduran airspace carrying the heads of state from those nations.

Protesters against the coup government and in favor of President Zelaya's return are gathered around the airport in Tegucigalpa, awaiting their constitutional president's arrival. They have reported snipers are stationed all around the airport, apparently ready to fire at any airplane that enters the area.

President Zelaya is announcing right now from Washington, where he arrived last night to attend the extraordinary Organization of American States (OAS) meeting that resulted in the suspension of Honduras from the multilateral group until constitutional order is reestablished, that he will return today to his country, accompanied by two different delegations. The first delegation will be compromised of President Zelaya and the Secretary General of the United Nations (UN) Miguel D'Escoto. They will arrive directly in Tegucigalpa. The second delegation will be the Secretary General of the OAS, Jose Miguel Insulza, together with President Cristina Fernandez of Argentina, President Fernando Lugo of Paraguay and President Rafael Correa of Ecuador. The second delegation will land first in neighboring El Salvador.

It is unclear still how President Zelaya's airplane will enter Honduran airspace considering the coup government has militarized the nation and placed an order prohibiting the arrival of his airplane. The flight from Washington is four hours, so he should be entering Honduras around 4pm EDT, approximately. Either the plane will be shot down or President Zelaya will be taken prisoner by the military coup forces upon arrival.

Honduran military told to turn back Zelaya's jet

By WILL WEISSERT and NESTOR IKEDA, AP, Yahoo! News, July 5, 2009

TEGUCIGALPA, Honduras – Honduras' exiled president took off for home in a Venezuelan jet in a high-stakes attempt to return to power, even as the interim government told its military to turn away the plane.

Zelaya won wide international support after his ouster a week ago by the military, but the only prominent escort aboard his plane was the U.N. General Assembly president after Latin American leaders backed out, citing security concerns. Honduras' civil aviation director said Zelaya's plane was being redirected to El Salvador.

Several other planes carrying Latin American presidents, the secretary-general of the Organization of American States and journalists were leaving Washington separately, trailing Zelaya to see what happens in the skies over Honduras before deciding where to land.

Thousands of protesters descended on the airport in the Honduran capital in anticipation of the showdown. Police helicopters hovered overhead. Commercial flights were canceled, and outside the airport about 200 soldiers with riot shields formed a line in front of the protesters.

"The government of President (Roberto) Micheletti has ordered the armed forces and the police not to allow the entrance of any plane bringing the former leader," the foreign minister of the interim government, Enrique Ortez, told The Associated Press on Sunday.

Flying with Zelaya were close advisers and staff, two journalists from the Venezuela-based network Telesur, and U.N. General Assembly President Miguel D'Escoto Brockmann, a leftist Nicaraguan priest and former foreign minister who personally condemned Zelaya's ouster as a coup d'etat.

Speaking live from the plane through Telesur, Zelaya called on the Honduran military to leave the airport free for him to land.

"No one can obligate me to turn around. The constitution prohibits expelling Hondurans from the country. I am returning with all of my constitutional guarantees," Zelaya declared.

But with their safety in the air not guaranteed, Ecuadorean President Rafael Correa pleaded with the Honduran military forces to avoid bloodshed. "If there is violence the whole world must clearly know who is responsible," he said.

If Zelaya's plane is allowed to land, the others will land as well, Correa said. If not, Correa, the presidents of Paraguay and Argentina and Jose Miguel Insulza, the secretary-general of the Organization of American States, planned to land in El Salvador.

Honduras' new government has vowed to arrest Zelaya for 18 alleged criminal acts including treason and failing to implement more than 80 laws approved by Congress since taking office in 2006.

Despite a Supreme Court ruling, Zelaya had also pressed ahead with a referendum on whether to hold an assembly to consider changing the constitution, and critics feared he would press to extend his rule.

But by sending soldiers to shoot up the presidential residence and fly Zelaya into exile a week ago, the Micheletti government has brought itself universal condemnations from the United Nations and OAS.

No nation has recognized the new government; President Barack Obama has united with conservative Alvaro Uribe of Colombia and leftist Hugo Chavez of Venezuela in criticism.

The OAS had given the Honduran government until Saturday to reinstate Zelaya, and sent two emergency missions to Honduras in hopes of heading off an escalation. But Micheletti pointedly rejected the group's demands.

The poor Central American country's Roman Catholic archbishop and its human right commissioner urged Zelaya to stay away, warning that his return could spark bloodshed. The interim government said it would arrest Zelaya and put him on trial despite near-universal international condemnation of the coup that removed him as he campaigned to revise the constitution.

The OAS suspended Honduras as a member late Saturday. Micheletti preemptively pulled out of the organization hours earlier rather than comply with an ultimatum that Zelaya be restored.

Zelaya has urged loyalists to support his arrival in Honduras in a peaceful show of force.

"We are going to show up at the Honduras International Airport in Tegucigalpa ... and on Sunday we will be in Tegucigalpa," Zelaya said Saturday in the taped statement carried on the Web sites of the Telesur and Cubadebate media outlets. "Practice what I have always preached, which is nonviolence."

Zelaya supporters said they got the message as they converged on the airport.

"We have no pistols or arms, just our principles," organizer Rafael Alegria said. "We have the legitimate right to fight for the defense of democracy and to restore President Zelaya."

Large crowds of Zelaya's critics have staged their own daily demonstrations to back Micheletti, the congressional president who was named by lawmakers to finish out the final six months of the Zelaya's term.

Most of the ousted leader's supporters come from the working and middle classes of this impoverished nation, while his opponents are based in the ranks of the well-to-do — although the increasingly leftist approach of the wealthy rancher had eroded his popular support.
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Will Weissert reported from Tegucigalpa and Nestor Ikeda from Washington. Associated Press writers Freddy Cuevas and Marcos Aleman in Tegucigalpa, and Jorge Barrera and Michael Bodenhurst in Washington contributed to this report.

SOA Watch to Join Honduran Social Movements

SOA Watch, July 4, 2009

The situation in Honduras remains extremely tense following the June 28 military coup by graduates of the School of the Americas. For the last six days, SOA Watch has been in constant communication with pro-democracy organizers in Honduras. We are pressuring the State Department and the White House with street protests and an online letter campaign to ensure the unconditional reinstatement of President Zeleya. However, the calls form our partners in Honduras have made it clear to us that we need to go a step further. SOA Watch has decided to join the Honduran social movements on the ground. A small SOA Watch delegation is going to meet with members of the National Resistance Committee and other pro-democracy organizers tomorrow and will join them in the streets. SOA Watch's Latin America Coordinator Lisa Sullivan and former SOA Watch Prisoner of Conscience Father Joe Mulligan are currently on their way to Tegucigalpa, Honduras. The resistance to the military coup that is taking place right now in Honduras is a Honduran struggle and a struggle of the Americas, at the same time. The outcome will affect all of us for years to come. International accompaniment can have a big impact and save lives. Please click here to make a donation to SOA Watch to support the important work.

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President Zelaya's Return

President Zelaya vowed to return to Honduras tomorrow (Sunday, July 5). The coup plotters have threatened that the military will arrest him if he comes back to Honduras. The presidents Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner of Argentina and Rafael Correa of Ecuador have said that he will accompany Zelaya. The hours are numbered for the dictatorship due to the immense domestic and international pressure. The resistance in Honduras is strong despite the repression. The Organization of American States (OAS) issued a 72 hour ultimatum which warned the coup leaders to restore Zelaya to power by today. The ultimatum was met with defiance. Social movement activists in Honduras are preparing for the return of the rightful president and have requested that international solidarity activists come to Honduras to accompany them in their struggle for democracy.

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No to the Military Coup in Honduras

On June 28, a military coup took place in Honduras. Soldiers stormed the residence of democratically elected President Zelaya and flew him out of the country. The coup was led by School of the Americas graduates General Romeo Velasquez, head of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and General Luis Javier Prince Suazo, commander of the Air Force. Watch CNN footage of the protests

Update from the Military Coup in Honduras, Friday morning, July 3, 2009:
Noticias urgentes:

1. The signal for Radio Globo has been cut. This is the only radio station that has informed about the COUP, as such

2. Forced recruiting of young men from rural areas by the SOA-led Honduran military has continued

3. Detentions in other cities of people attempting to enter Tegucigalpa to participate in marches

4. Some cable companies are not allowing the airing of TELESUR and other international news, including CNN

6. March against the COUP in Tegucigalpa at this moment

Take Action: Click here to send a message about the military coup to the State Department

Day 7: Coup Government In Honduras Withdraws From OAS

By Eva Golinger, Postcards from the Revolution, July 4, 2009

Well, it's official! The Organization of American States (OAS) doesn't need to bother suspending Honduras from the OAS because the coup government has decided it is withdrawing from the most important regional body in the Americas. Roberto Micheletti, the dictator who was sworn in as de facto president in Honduras on Sunday, after the democratically elected president Manuel Zelaya was kidnapped at gunpoint by masked soldiers and forced into exile, has said, "to hell with you OAS", "we don't need you either!" During Secretary General of the OAS, Jose Miguel Insulza's visit to the Central American nation to hand deliver the 72-hour ultimatum demanding the coup government step down or face suspension (the most severe sanction the OAS can impose), coup leader Roberto Micheletti gave a speech before supporters and later issued a formal statement withdrawing Honduras from the OAS, declaring, "we don't have to respond to anybody, we are a sovereign nation". The OAS visit was intended to reach some kind of dialogue or solution to the crisis in Honduras since the coup occurred on early Sunday morning, yet the coup government held tight to its position of power.

On Saturday, the OAS will convene a new meeting to review the results of its failure in Honduras and the decision of the coup government to defiantly ignore the regional body's intentions to resolve the conflict peacefully (if that is even possible at this point). Several presidents, such as Cristina Fernandez of Argentina and Rafael Correa of Ecuador will travel to Washington for the special OAS follow up meeting to the Honduran crisis.

President Zelaya had hoped to return Saturday to his elected post, yet the situation in his country, post-coup, is more complicated than originally imagined. Hondurans supporting Zelaya marched cross the nation to the capital, Tegucigalpa, on Friday to send a message to the OAS General Secretary that they are waiting for their legitimate president to return.

If the Obama administration doesn't formally sanction the coup government in Honduras and suspend all relations, as every other country around the world has done so far, a terrible precedent will be set in the hemisphere, allowing for coups that produce "friendly" results for Washington. The United States is pleased with the outcome of Sunday's coup, which deposed a leftist president aligned with countries like Venezuela, Cuba and Bolivia, but at the same time is not happy with the method - a military coup- to achieve the end goal. However, if Washington continues without firmly condemning the coup government's actions and withdrawal from the OAS, Obama will lose all credibility in Latin America.